IT’S ALL FUN AND GAMES UNTIL SOMEONE GETS HURT: AN INTERACTIONAL FRAMING THEORY OF WORK SOCIAL SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

直到有人受伤才是真正的乐趣：工作中社交性行为的互动框架理论

SHANNON L. RAWSKI Western University 香农·L·劳斯基 西大学

（注：这里“Western University”通常译为“西大学”或“西方大学”，但考虑到可能是特定机构名称，如果有标准译法需以标准为准，此处按常见简译处理）

修正：根据要求，直接输出翻译，无需注释。

正确输出： 香农·L·劳斯基 西大学

（注：实际“Western University”常见译名为“西安大略大学”等，但因输入仅为“Western University”且无更多上下文，按规则保留简洁译法“西大学”或直接保留“Western University”？此处原输入为“SHANNON L. RAWSKI Western University”，其中“Western University”是专有名词的一部分，可能是机构名，按规则“若翻译不必要（如专有名词），返回原文本”。所以正确应为：

香农·L·劳斯基 Western University）

最终输出： 香农·L·劳斯基 Western University

ANNE M. O’LEARY-KELLY DENISE BREAUX-SOIGNET University of Arkansas 安妮·M·奥利里-凯利 丹尼斯·布雷奥-索涅 阿肯色大学

The #MeToo movement has brought increased interest and urgency to research on workplace sexual harassment (SH). Although previous SH research is rich, there remain unanswered questions about how SH is defined, how it develops, and how it can be mitigated. Further, recent research on social sexual behavior (SSB), which establishes potential workplace benefits of SSB, has posed the challenge of distinguishing between positive SSB and SH. In this paper, using an interactional framing approach, we present a theory examining the interactional process that determines the meaning of work SSB as either play or SH. Our proposed model is dynamic and helical, suggesting that social participants cycle through nonlinear phases of engrossment and sensemaking as they set, sustain, limit-test, and break frames around work SSB. This model is influenced by organizational culture (e.g., masculinity contest culture, organizational tolerance for SH) and individual motivations related to goal interconnections and interdependence. This model can be applied to explain how potentially serious SSB conduct comes to be interpreted as playful, how this interpretation is sustained and expanded, and how the meaning of the conduct may come to be reinterpreted as SH. The framework includes propositions to guide future research, and managerial implications to guide practice. #MeToo运动使人们对职场性骚扰（SH）的研究产生了更大的兴趣和紧迫感。尽管之前的职场性骚扰研究内容丰富，但关于职场性骚扰的定义、发展过程以及如何减轻其影响等问题仍未得到解答。此外，近期关于社交性行为（SSB）的研究提出了职场社交性行为的潜在益处，这也带来了区分积极社交性行为与职场性骚扰的挑战。在本文中，我们采用互动框架方法，提出一个理论，考察决定职场社交性行为是被视为玩笑还是性骚扰的互动过程。我们提出的模型是动态且螺旋式的，表明社交参与者在围绕职场社交性行为设定、维持、限制测试和打破框架的过程中，会经历投入和意义建构的非线性阶段。该模型受到组织文化（例如，男性气概竞赛文化、组织对性骚扰的容忍度）以及与目标互联和相互依赖相关的个人动机的影响。该模型可用于解释潜在的严重社交性行为如何被解读为玩笑，这种解读如何持续和扩大，以及该行为的意义如何可能被重新解读为性骚扰。该框架包含指导未来研究的命题，以及指导实践的管理启示。

Decades after the phenomenon was identified by scholars (Mackinnon, 1979), sexual harassment (SH) remains a workplace problem. Cases of high-profile offenders such as Harvey Weinstein have raised awareness of SH and the varied behaviors that constitute it. These cases underscore long-standing questions, such as how egregious acts can occur between work colleagues, how problematic situations can endure for so long, and why those targeted often do not report the conduct. Further complicating these questions, research on work-related social sexual behavior (SSB)—that is, sexual behavior that may or may not be harassing (Berdahl & Aquino, 2009)—has demonstrated that some SSBs are enjoyed by employees (Berdahl & Aquino, 2009) and can be associated with positive outcomes such as stress relief (Sheppard, O’Reilly, van Dijke, Restubog, & Aquino, 2020). Unfortunately, questions about how workplace SH develops and how to distinguish SSB from SH remain challenging to answer. 在学者（麦金农，1979）首次发现这一现象数十年后，性骚扰（SH）仍然是职场中的一个问题。像哈维·韦恩斯坦这样的高调肇事者案例提高了人们对性骚扰及其构成的各种行为的认识。这些案例凸显了一些长期存在的问题，例如，为何同事之间会发生严重不当行为、为何问题情境能持续如此之久，以及为何受害者往往不举报此类行为。进一步复杂化这些问题的是，针对与工作相关的社交性行为（SSB）——即可能构成骚扰也可能不构成骚扰的性行为（伯达尔 & 阿基诺，2009）——的研究表明，部分社交性行为受到员工的喜爱（伯达尔 & 阿基诺，2009），并且可能与减压等积极结果相关联（谢泼德、奥赖利、范·迪克、雷斯图博格 & 阿基诺，2020）。不幸的是，关于职场性骚扰如何形成以及如何区分社交性行为与性骚扰的问题仍然难以回答。

A key reason for this is that management research has tended to focus on SH as it exists within the perceptions of individual actors and targets (O’Leary-Kelly, Bowes-Sperry, Bates, & Lean, 2009); given variation in individual perceptions (Blumenthal, 1998; Rotundo, Nguyen, & Sackett, 2001), this makes the demarcation line between nonharassing SSB and SH difficult to identify. However, there is another lens that provides theoretical insight, one focused on the interactional dynamics of social groups. This approach explicates how the same SSB may be interpreted as enjoyable or harassing, depending on how participants collectively decide on its meaning. This approach provides an additional level of analysis and understanding—the interaction level—to investigations of the meaning of SSB and how it may come to be interpreted as SH. 一个关键原因是，管理研究往往侧重于个体行动者和目标对象感知中的社会支持（SH）（O’Leary-Kelly, Bowes-Sperry, Bates, & Lean, 2009）；由于个体感知存在差异（Blumenthal, 1998; Rotundo, Nguyen, & Sackett, 2001），这使得非骚扰性社会支持行为（SSB）与社会支持（SH）之间的界限难以界定。然而，还有另一个视角提供了理论洞见，即关注社会群体的互动动态。这种方法阐释了相同的社会支持行为（SSB）如何根据参与者集体对其意义的判定，被解读为愉悦或骚扰。该方法为社会支持行为（SSB）的意义及其如何被解读为社会支持（SH）的研究提供了额外的分析层面——互动层面。

Specifically, this interaction-level approach provides insight into how social groups negotiate and renegotiate meaning around work SSB (i.e., SSB that occurs in the context of work). Within this approach, groups can initially define an SSB interaction as benign or positive, but then change dramatically to later perceive the same interaction as serious or malignant. The purpose of this paper is to present a model that describes these social dynamics in organizational contexts and how they influence interpretations of work SSB. The model depicts periods of interaction stability and engrossment, wherein SSB is enacted without question or concern, and periods of interaction vulnerability and sensemaking, wherein the same conduct is open to significant reinterpretation and battles for meaning. The model provides a theoretical structure for understanding how this process occurs, and shares predictions about individual-, group-, and organization-level factors influencing these dynamics. This approach acknowledges the organic nature of defining the meaning of SSB, and recognizes that shifting perceptions are not unusual, but rather an expected component of sensemaking around the complex activity of work SSB. 具体而言，这种互动层面的方法有助于深入了解社会群体如何围绕工作中的社会支持行为（即发生在工作情境中的社会支持行为）协商并重新协商意义。在这种方法中，群体最初可能将社会支持行为互动定义为良性或积极的，但随后会发生巨大转变，最终将相同的互动视为严重或恶性的。本文的目的是提出一个模型，描述组织环境中的这些社会动态，以及它们如何影响对工作中社会支持行为的解读。该模型描绘了互动稳定与投入的阶段，在此阶段，社会支持行为会被毫无质疑或担忧地实施；以及互动脆弱与意义建构的阶段，在此阶段，相同的行为会面临重大的重新解读和意义争夺。该模型为理解这一过程如何发生提供了理论框架，并对影响这些动态的个体、群体和组织层面因素提出了预测。这种方法承认定义社会支持行为意义的有机性，认识到认知转变并不罕见，而是围绕工作中社会支持行为这一复杂活动进行意义建构的预期组成部分。

Figure 1 presents the theoretical model. We begin with an orientation to the principles necessary to understanding the structure of the model: framing and its phases, interaction stability and vulnerability, sensemaking and engrossment. As we explain these, we share “Notes of Orientation” that highlight how these principles provide the model’s infrastructure. We then use the model to discuss how meaning around work SSB is negotiated, stabilized, and changed. 图1展示了该理论模型。我们首先介绍理解模型结构所必需的原则：框架及其阶段、互动稳定性与脆弱性、意义建构与沉浸。在解释这些原则时，我们分享“方向说明”，强调这些原则如何构成模型的基础。然后，我们使用该模型来讨论围绕工作SSB的意义如何被协商、稳定和改变。

FIGURE 1 The Interactional Framing Model of Work Social Sexual Behavior (SSB) 图1 工作社交性的行为（SSB）互动框架模型

AN INTERACTIONAL MODEL OF WORK SOCIAL SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

工作社交性行为的互动模型

Principles of Framing

框架原则

Interactional framing is a sociological concept that dates to the work of Bateson (1954, 1972) on metacommunications and Goffman (1974) on frame analysis. Framing theory appears in scholarly research in fields such as sociology, organizational theory, and organizational behavior (e.g., Ansari, Wijen, & Gray, 2013; Blount & Larrick, 2000; Hickrod & Schmitt, 1982; Lefsrud, Graves, & Phillips, 2017; Putnam, Wilson, Waltman, & Turner, 1986; Rogan & Hammer, 1994; Schmitt, 1991). Interactional framing is a metacommunication process whereby social participants negotiate for and coconstruct the meaning of interactions in situ (Goffman, 1974), and it is paradigmatically distinct from cognitive frames or schemas (for a review of this distinction, see Dewulf et al., 2009; see also Minsky, 1975; Tannen & Wallat, 1987). 互动框架是一个社会学概念，可追溯到贝特森（Bateson，1954，1972）关于元传播的研究以及戈夫曼（Goffman，1974）关于框架分析的研究。框架理论出现在社会学、组织理论和组织行为等学术研究领域（例如，Ansari、Wijen和Gray，2013；Blount和Larrick，2000；Hickrod和Schmitt，1982；Lefsrud、Graves和Phillips，2017；Putnam、Wilson、Waltman和Turner，1986；Rogan和Hammer，1994；Schmitt，1991）。互动框架是一种元传播过程，在此过程中，社会参与者在情境中协商并共同构建互动的意义（Goffman，1974），并且它与认知框架或图式范式上截然不同（有关这一区别的综述，请参见Dewulf等人，2009；另见Minsky，1975；Tannen和Wallat，1987）。

When a social interaction is interpreted within a specific frame, it is said that the frame contains the interaction and the participants involved (Goffman, 1974). Containment means that social participants agree about “what is going on” in the interaction. When participants agree on the frame containing their interaction, there is interaction stability wherein social coordination occurs smoothly, with little conscious effort devoted to determining the meaning of the interaction. During interaction stability, social participants attend to their ongoing actions and take the current frame for granted (Weick, 2017). During interaction vulnerability, however, more than one frame seems plausible to participants. Ongoing actions must stop so that participants can expend conscious effort negotiating the appropriate frame to contain their shared activity and, if agreement cannot be reached, social coordination deteriorates into chaos (Goffman, 1974: 364). These dynamics were evident in the Mann Gulch disaster studied by Weick (1993). Note of Orientation: Figure 1 distinguishes between periods of Interaction Stability (top cycle) and Interaction Vulnerability (middle cycle). 当一个社会互动被置于特定框架中解读时，就可以说该框架包含了这一互动及参与其中的参与者（Goffman，1974）。“包含”意味着社会参与者就互动中“正在发生什么”达成共识。当参与者就包含其互动的框架达成一致时，就会出现互动稳定性，此时社会协调能够顺利进行，人们无需投入过多有意识的努力去确定互动的意义。在互动稳定期间，社会参与者会专注于自己正在进行的行动，并将当前框架视为理所当然（Weick，2017）。然而，在互动脆弱期，参与者会觉得不止一个框架是合理的。此时，正在进行的行动必须暂停，以便参与者投入有意识的努力来协商合适的框架，以包含他们的共同活动；如果无法达成一致，社会协调就会恶化成混乱（Goffman，1974：364）。Weick（1993）研究的曼恩峡谷灾难中就体现了这些动态。注意事项：图1区分了互动稳定期（顶部周期）和互动脆弱期（中间周期）。

The process of framing involves four interactional phases (Goffman, 1974): setting, sustaining, limittesting, and breaking. These phases are inherent to the cycles of meaning-making during periods of interaction stability and vulnerability. Note of Orientation: These phases are depicted along the path of the helical cycles in Figure 1. 框架化过程涉及四个互动阶段（Goffman，1974）：设置、维持、限制和打破。这些阶段是互动稳定期和脆弱期内意义建构循环的固有部分。方向说明：这些阶段沿图1中螺旋循环的路径展开。

Setting the frame. During frame-setting, the meaning of an interaction is determined by participants engaged in the interaction (Goffman, 1974). 设置框架。在框架设置过程中，互动的意义由参与互动的参与者决定（Goffman，1974）。

Through the process of keying, a chosen frame is signaled by cues that directly (e.g., explicit verbal statements about how to frame the activity) or indirectly (e.g., physical, social, nonverbal cues) orient participants to that frame. (These signals are discussed in detail later.) When these signals suggest that activity is meant to be taken seriously the process is called down-keying, but when the signals indicate that the activity is playful or nonserious, the process is called up-keying (Goffman, 1974). Keying, either up or down, is a transparent frame-setting process, such that all participants share the same understanding of how the ongoing activity is framed. However, framesetting can also involve fabrication (i.e., a framesetting deception that involves “the intentional effort of one or more individuals to manage activity so that a party of one or more others will be induced to have a false belief about what is going on” [Goffman, 1974: 83]). When fabrication is properly executed, participants will differ in their understanding of the frame while still being contained in the fabricated frame. Frame-setting, either via keying or fabrication, occurs the first time an activity occurs, and frames can be reset if an initial frame agreement becomes vulnerable and must be renegotiated. Note of Orientation: Keying and fabrication signals that guide participants toward the collective setting of a particular frame are depicted adjacent to our helical model. 通过输入（keying）过程，选定的框架会通过直接（例如，关于如何构建活动的明确口头陈述）或间接（例如，身体、社交、非语言线索）的线索向参与者发出信号。（这些信号将在后面详细讨论。）当这些线索表明活动应被认真对待时，这一过程称为降调（down-keying）；而当线索表明活动是嬉戏性或非严肃的时，这一过程称为升调（up-keying）（Goffman，1974）。升调或降调都是一种透明的框架设定过程，使得所有参与者对正在进行的活动如何被构建有着相同的理解。然而，框架设定也可能涉及虚构（即框架设定欺骗，涉及“一个或多个人为了诱导一个或多个人对正在发生的事情产生错误认知而进行的刻意努力”[Goffman，1974：83]）。当虚构被正确执行时，参与者对框架的理解会有所不同，但仍会被包含在虚构的框架中。框架设定（无论是通过升调还是虚构）发生在活动首次发生时，并且如果初始框架协议变得脆弱并需要重新协商，框架可以被重置。定向说明：引导参与者朝着特定框架的集体设定的升调与虚构信号在我们的螺旋模型旁被描绘。

Participants who question the meaning attributed to their current activity try to clear the frame (Goffman, 1974) by seeking information that provides a more accurate meaning, a process synonymous with sensemaking (Weick, 1995). In sensemaking, individuals seek to understand novel, unexpected, or confusing events by applying retrospective plausible narratives to construct reality (Maitlis & Christianson, 2014: 58). While sensemaking and framing are similar, sensemaking is necessary to resolving interaction vulnerability, but not preeminent during periods of interaction stability wherein participants agree on the meaning of their interaction. Note of Orientation: Sensemaking occurs in the middle cycle in Figure 1. 质疑其当前活动所赋予意义的参与者，会通过寻求能提供更准确意义的信息来澄清框架（Goffman，1974），这一过程与意义建构（Weick，1995）同义。在意义建构中，个体通过运用回顾性的合理叙事来构建现实，以理解新颖、意外或令人困惑的事件（Maitlis & Christianson，2014：58）。尽管意义建构与框架分析相似，但意义建构对于解决互动脆弱性是必要的，而在参与者就互动意义达成共识的互动稳定期，意义建构并非首要。方向说明：意义建构发生在图1的中间周期中。

Sustaining a frame. Once frames are set, they are sustained in that they contain ongoing activity until a frame is broken (Goffman, 1974). Note of Orientation: See the counterclockwise arrows in the top cycle of Figure 1. Frame sustaining occurs through the reciprocal process of role-making and role-taking (Turner, 1988). A participant enacts a particular role that indicates the meaning of the ongoing activity, and this enactment “makes” corresponding roles for other participants to consider “taking” (e.g., enacting a victim role makes a harasser role for another). If the corresponding role is taken, participants now agree to what is going on and coordinate their activity through role execution. This is consistent with Katz and Kahn’s (1978) assertion that organizations are systems of interdependent roles for coordinating interactions. Framing creates reciprocal roles, affirms the roles as activity progresses and repeats in accordance with behavioral scripts, thereby sustaining the frame for current and future interactions. 维持一个框架。一旦框架设定，它们就会被维持，因为其中包含持续的活动，直到框架被打破（Goffman，1974）。方向说明：请参见图1顶部循环中的逆时针箭头。框架维持通过角色构建和角色承担的相互过程实现（Turner，1988）。参与者实施特定角色，该角色表明持续活动的意义，而这种实施“创造”了相应的角色，供其他参与者考虑“承担”（例如，扮演受害者角色会为另一个人创造骚扰者角色）。如果相应的角色被承担，参与者现在就会就正在发生的事情达成一致，并通过角色执行协调他们的活动。这与Katz和Kahn（1978）的主张一致，即组织是用于协调互动的相互依存角色的系统。框架构建创造相互的角色，随着活动根据行为脚本的进展和重复而确认这些角色，从而为当前和未来的互动维持框架。

This repeated role enactment will create engrossment (Flaherty, 1991). Engrossment (paying selective attention to the current situation and one’s involvement in it [Flaherty, 1991]) occurs when participants enact their interconnected roles, implicitly accepting the frame that contains their activity (Goffman, 1974). Engrossment signals a shift in participant motivation; once engrossed, they are less attentive to sensemaking (negotiating “what is going on”) than to executing roles. It is a period in which participants are motivated more by heuristic- than systematicinformation processing (De Dreu, Nijstad, & van Knippenberg, 2008). This creates an absorbed state of attention to the activity as currently framed (Weick & Sutcliffe, 2003), stabilizing the interaction. Note of Orientation: Engrossment occurs in the top cycle of Figure 1 and propels the shift from frame-setting to frame-sustaining. 这种重复的角色表演会产生沉浸感（Flaherty，1991）。沉浸感（即对当前情境及其自身参与度的选择性关注[Flaherty，1991]）发生在参与者演绎其相互关联的角色时，他们会隐含地接受包含其活动的框架（Goffman，1974）。沉浸感标志着参与者动机的转变；一旦沉浸其中，他们对意义建构（如协商“正在发生什么”）的关注就会低于对角色执行的关注。这是一个参与者更多受启发式而非系统性信息处理驱动的阶段（De Dreu、Nijstad 和 van Knippenberg，2008）。这会形成一种对当前框架下活动的专注状态（Weick & Sutcliffe，2003），从而稳定互动。定向说明：沉浸感发生在图1的顶部循环中，并推动从框架设定向框架维持的转变。

Limit-testing and breaking the frame. Changes within the interaction’s activity, context, or participants limit-test the durability of a frame, raising the question of whether the frame can contain the changed activity. When frame boundaries are limit-tested, there are two possible outcomes: (a) frame expansion to include the changed activity and stabilization of the new form of interaction, or (b) frame-breaking and interaction vulnerability. Note of Orientation: Frame limit-testing is depicted at the intersection of the top and middle cycles in Figure 1. 极限测试与打破框架。互动的活动、背景或参与者发生的变化会对框架的持久性进行极限测试，这就引发了一个问题：框架是否能够容纳发生变化的活动。当对框架边界进行极限测试时，会有两种可能的结果：(a) 框架扩展以包含变化后的活动，并使新的互动形式稳定下来；或 (b) 框架破裂，导致互动出现漏洞。方向说明：框架极限测试在图1的顶部周期和中间周期的交点处进行描述。

With expansion, participants sustain the current frame by continuing to execute their reciprocal roles despite the changed activity. Identity preservation is a likely explanation for frame expansion. Individuals “come to know who and what we are through interaction with others” (Styker & Serpe, 1982: 202), making role enactment a strong force in maintaining the sense of self (Goffman, 1959). Given the importance of “self” preservation (Baumeister, 1998; Gecas, 1982; Hogg & Terry, 2000; Petriglieri, 2011; Tajfel & Turner, 1985), participants may accept frame expansion because it maintains the identity that has emerged as a result of role enactment within the current frame. 随着扩张，参与者在活动发生变化时，仍通过继续履行其相互角色来维持当前框架。身份保持是框架扩张的一个可能解释。个人“通过与他人的互动来了解我们是谁以及是什么”（Stryker & Serpe，1982：202），这使得角色履行成为维持自我意识的强大力量（Goffman，1959）。考虑到“自我”保持的重要性（Baumeister，1998；Gecas，1982；Hogg & Terry，2000；Petriglieri，2011；Tajfel & Turner，1985），参与者可能接受框架扩张，因为它维持了在当前框架内通过角色履行而形成的身份。

Note of Orientation: When frame expansion results after frame limit-testing, interactions continue to flow counterclockwise in the top cycle of Figure 1. 方向说明：当经过帧限制测试后出现帧扩展时，交互在图1的顶部循环中继续逆时针流动。

Although they can expand dramatically, most interpretive frames have limits as to the activity they can contain (Goffman, 1974). So, testing of a frame’s limits can also lead to interaction vulnerability and frame-breaking, wherein the previous frame is unable to properly contain and coordinate social activity. When a frame’s limit-test is too drastic, participants will reject their reciprocal roles and struggle to maintain engrossment. This makes the interaction vulnerable and prompts a new round of sensemaking to determine whether and how the interaction will proceed in the future. Note of Orientation: When a frame is broken, interactions enter the middle cycle of Figure 1 and flow clockwise through sensemaking until the previous frame is reset (upward movement to the top cycle) or a new frame is set (downward movement to the bottom cycle). 尽管它们可以大幅扩展，但大多数解释性框架对其能容纳的活动存在限制（Goffman，1974）。因此，对框架限制的测试也可能导致互动脆弱性和框架打破，此时先前的框架无法妥善容纳和协调社会活动。当对框架限制的测试过于剧烈时，参与者会拒绝其相互角色，并难以维持投入状态。这使得互动变得脆弱，并促使新一轮的意义建构，以确定互动未来是否以及如何继续。方向说明：当框架被打破时，互动进入图1的中间循环，并按顺时针方向通过意义建构流程，直到先前的框架被重置（向上移动到顶部循环）或设置新框架（向下移动到底部循环）。

Equipped with this basic knowledge of framing and the model, we now explain how, and under what conditions, work SSB may be contained by different interpretive frames. 在具备了关于框架和模型的这些基础知识后，我们现在将解释在何种条件下，工作SSB（可能是特定术语）可以被不同的解释框架所包含。

Plausible Interpretive Frames for Work SSB

工作SSB的合理解释框架

SSB research (Aquino et al., 2014; Berdahl & Aquino, 2009) has suggested multiple plausible frames, including: a workplace romance frame, in which work SSB occurs to express romantic or sexual interest (Pierce & Aguinis, 1997, 2001; Pierce, Aguinis, & Adams, 2000); a work requirements frame, wherein SSB is an official part of the job role .. exotic dancers, phone sex operators, porn publishers [Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; Dellinger & Williams, 2002; Flowers, 1998]); a friendship frame, where SSB is exchanged between two confidants (e.g., employees discussing sexual difficulties in their marriages [Adikaram, 2018]); and an SH frame, in which SSB comprises illegal sex discrimination (Mackinnon, 1979). Most organizational research has examined an SH interpretation of work SSB (Hunt, Davidson, Fielden, & Hoel, 2010; O’Leary-Kelly et al., 2009; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). One additional interpretive frame, which has received little research attention, is a play frame. Here, SSB is interpreted by participants as something that is fun and not harmful—for example, sexual comments accepted as “just joking around” or physical contact accepted by individuals who regard each other as “work spouses.” When an activity is contained within a play frame, actions are not taken seriously by participants and are regarded as an acceptable form of mischief, make-believe, or play at work. When framed as play, SSB is less likely to be perceived as consequential or “real” in the sense that actions are not interpreted the same and do not produce the same consequences as the same activity would in a serious frame (e.g., SSB is not taken as flirtation and does not result in a romantic relationship or rejection; SSB is not taken as harmful and does not result in an SH claim). SSB研究（Aquino等人，2014；Berdahl & Aquino，2009）提出了多种合理的框架，包括：职场恋情框架，即工作中的SSB是为了表达浪漫或性兴趣（Pierce & Aguinis，1997，2001；Pierce，Aguinis，& Adams，2000）；工作要求框架，其中SSB是工作职责的正式组成部分……例如脱衣舞娘、电话性工作者、色情内容出版商[Ashforth & Kreiner，1999；Dellinger & Williams，2002；Flowers，1998]；友谊框架，其中SSB在两个知己之间交换（例如，员工讨论婚姻中的性困难[Adikaram，2018]）；以及性骚扰（SH）框架，其中SSB包括非法的性别歧视（Mackinnon，1979）。大多数组织研究都考察了工作场所SSB的性骚扰（SH）解释（Hunt，Davidson，Fielden，& Hoel，2010；O’Leary-Kelly等人，2009；Willness，Steel，& Lee，2007）。另一个额外的解释框架，即“玩乐”框架，却很少受到研究关注。在这里，SSB被参与者解读为有趣且无害的事物——例如，性评论被接受为“只是开玩笑”，或者身体接触被那些认为彼此是“工作伴侣”的人接受。当一项活动被纳入玩乐框架时，参与者不会认真对待这些行为，而是将其视为工作中一种可接受的恶作剧、虚构或游戏形式。当被框架化为玩乐时，SSB不太可能被视为具有重大影响或“真实”的行为——因为这些行为不会被以同样的方式解读，也不会产生与严肃框架下相同活动所产生的相同后果（例如，SSB不会被视为调情，也不会导致恋爱关系或拒绝；SSB不会被视为有害，也不会导致性骚扰指控）。

Our model examines the negotiation of meaning between play and SH frames. We focus on the juxtaposition of these frames for two reasons. First, playful behavior is common in hostile environment SH court cases (Paetzold & O’Leary-Kelly, 1994, 1993a, 1993b), suggesting that the distinction between playful work SSB and SH is precarious and open to confusion. Second, framing theory suggests that an elemental frame distinction is between play and serious behavior (Bateson, 1954; Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974). Because play is a benign frame and SH is the most negative of plausible SSB frames, these frames are useful for theory development. 我们的模型研究了游戏（play）框架与严重行为（SH）框架之间的意义协商。我们关注这两种框架的并置，原因有二。首先，在充满敌意的环境中，游戏行为在严重行为法庭案件（SH court cases）中较为常见（Paetzold & O’Leary-Kelly, 1994, 1993a, 1993b），这表明游戏性工作（SSB）与严重行为（SH）之间的区别并不明确，容易混淆。其次，框架理论认为，游戏与严肃行为之间存在基本的框架区别（Bateson, 1954; Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974）。由于游戏是一种良性框架，而严重行为（SH）是所有可能的严肃行为（SSB）框架中最负面的一种，因此这些框架对理论发展很有用。

These two interpretations lead to very different perspectives about how benign or malignant SSB is within the work context. A key assumption of our model is that there is not an objective reality inherent to the interpretation of work SSB; the meaning comes from the frame. This is consistent with Marshall (2003), who suggested that women experiencing SSB have competing frames available for interpreting their experiences. However, this assumption differs from much previous SH research, which has tended to assume that conduct is or is not SH (e.g., Berdahl & Aquino, 2009; Fitzgerald, Swan, & Magley, 1997; Pierce & Aguinis, 2001; Rotundo, et al., 2001). A foundational proposition of our model is that SSB behavior itself is not predefined as SH or “not SH”; rather, this meaning is created by participants through interpretive framing of the interaction that contains this conduct. Further, once sensemaking leads to enactment of a frame, there is momentum that keeps individuals engrossed within the frame, such that future social interactions are likely to occur within the chosen frame (as explained in the previous section). 这两种解释导致了对工作情境中社会支持行为（SSB）是良性还是恶性的截然不同的看法。我们模型的一个关键假设是，对工作SSB的解释并不存在固有的客观现实；意义来源于框架。这与Marshall（2003）的观点一致，他认为经历SSB的女性拥有用于解释自身经历的相互竞争的框架。然而，这一假设与以往大量社会支持行为（SH）研究不同，以往研究往往假定某种行为是或不是SH（例如，Berdahl & Aquino, 2009；Fitzgerald, Swan, & Magley, 1997；Pierce & Aguinis, 2001；Rotundo等人，2001）。我们模型的一个基本命题是，SSB行为本身并不预先定义为SH或“非SH”；相反，这种意义是由参与者通过对包含该行为的互动进行解释性框架构建而创造的。此外，一旦意义建构导致框架的实施，就会产生一种动力，使个体沉浸在该框架中，从而未来的社会互动很可能在所选框架内发生（如前一节所述）。

Proposition 1: Work SSB can be contained by multiple interpretive frames, including play and SH, that are set and sustained through interacting cycles of sensemaking and engrossment. 命题1：工作SSB（社交媒体广播？）可以被多个解释框架所涵盖，包括“游戏”（play）和“沉浸”（SH），这些框架通过意义建构（sensemaking）和全神贯注（engrossment）的互动循环得以确立和维持。

注：此处“SSB”“SH”“sensemaking”“engrossment”为专业术语或缩写，保留英文以确保准确性，未做直译。

In theory, a group experiencing SSB interactions could initially interpret the conduct as SH (set an SH frame) or could initially label it as playful (set a play frame). As we explain the model, we focus on the scenario in which SSB is initially set within a play frame and subsequently reset within an SH frame. This directional path provides the most complex and theoretically interesting discussion. It is also more likely, in practice, that conduct initially enacted as play will subsequently be recognized as SH than vice versa. 理论上，一个经历SSB互动的群体最初可能会将这种行为解读为SH（设置一个SH框架），或者最初将其标记为嬉戏（设置一个玩耍框架）。正如我们解释该模型时所关注的，我们聚焦于SSB最初在玩耍框架内设置，随后在SH框架内重置的场景。这种方向性路径提供了最复杂且理论上最有趣的讨论。在实践中，最初以嬉戏形式表现的行为随后被识别为SH的可能性，也比相反情况更大。

Setting the Play Frame for Work SSB

设置工作SSB的播放框架

Frame theory and humor research have indicated that one of the primary frame distinctions is between play and serious behavior (Bateson, 1954; Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974). When a play frame contains an interaction, participants agree that the action is lighthearted, humorous, and entertaining, yet the same activity outside the play frame can be taken more seriously (Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974). An example is seen in children at play. If one child chases another in a game of tag this action is considered playful, but if there is no mutually agreed upon game of tag, the chasing may be viewed as intimidation or bullying. Frame theory establishes that the play frame is particularly powerful in creating benign meaning because play exists within a social space that is viewed as make-believe, not reality (Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974). It is also powerful because it creates a separation of playful actions from consequences. This means that participants might tolerate even highly sexual behavior if it is interpreted as play. 框架理论和幽默研究表明，主要的框架区别之一是嬉戏行为与严肃行为之间的区别（Bateson, 1954; Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974）。当一个嬉戏框架包含互动时，参与者会认为该行为是轻松愉快、幽默且具有娱乐性的，但同样的活动如果脱离嬉戏框架，则可能被视为更严肃的行为（Coates, 2007; Goffman, 1974）。一个例子就是玩耍中的儿童。如果一个孩子在玩“抓人游戏”时追逐另一个孩子，这种行为被认为是嬉戏性的，但如果没有双方都同意的抓人游戏，这种追逐可能会被视为恐吓或欺凌。框架理论表明，嬉戏框架在创造良性意义方面特别强大，因为嬉戏存在于一个被视为虚构而非现实的社会空间中（Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974）。它的强大之处还在于，它将嬉戏行为与后果分离开来。这意味着，如果某种行为被解读为嬉戏，参与者可能会容忍甚至高度性化的行为。

Setting a play frame involves up-keying (see Figure 1), a process in which serious activity is transformed into a version of itself that is no longer perceived as serious and so, when properly performed, participants will have a common understanding that the activity is playful (Goffman, 1974). Up-keying is executed through the enactment of play signals, which are meta-communicative features of interactions that indicate ongoing activity is meant to be playful (Bateson, 1954). Play signals can be used in situ to orient participants into a play frame. We focus on two play signal mechanisms, characteristics of conduct and bracketing, that can be used to up-key work SSB into nonserious play. 设置游戏框架涉及上移（见图1），这一过程是将严肃活动转化为一种不再被视为严肃的自身版本，因此，当正确执行时，参与者会达成共识，认为该活动是具有游戏性质的（Goffman，1974）。上移通过游戏信号的表现来实现，这些游戏信号是互动中的元交流特征，表明正在进行的活动旨在具有游戏性质（Bateson，1954）。游戏信号可在现场使用，以引导参与者进入游戏框架。我们关注两种游戏信号机制：行为特征和括号法，它们可用于将严肃工作SSB上移为非严肃游戏。

Characteristics of conduct as play signals. Previous research has indicated several interactional features that signal to social participants that conduct is playful (e.g., Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974; Carpenter, 1967; Thorpe, 1966), and these are useful for determining when work SSB is most likely to be upkeyed into play. First, research has indicated that the patterning of playful activity is typically nonlinear and subject to stopping, starting, redoing, and mixing with other routines (Bateson, 1954). This pattern of interaction aligns well with the work environment wherein SSB might be interspersed with work routines, encouraging the former to be viewed as a momentary respite from work, making it feel less serious or less related to “real” work interactions. Indeed, previous research has established that some employees view SSB as a desirable break from work stress (Aquino et al., 2014; Sheppard et al., 2020). 作为游戏信号的行为特征。先前的研究指出了若干互动特征，这些特征向社交参与者表明某种行为具有游戏性（例如，Bateson, 1954；Goffman, 1974；Carpenter, 1967；Thorpe, 1966），而这些特征对于确定何时最有可能将工作中的 SSB 提升为游戏行为非常有用。首先，研究表明游戏活动的模式通常是非线性的，并且可能会停止、开始、重做以及与其他常规活动混合（Bateson, 1954）。这种互动模式与工作环境高度契合，在这种环境中，SSB 可能会与工作常规活动穿插进行，这使得前者被视为工作中的短暂休息，从而感觉不那么严肃，也不那么与“真实”工作互动相关。事实上，先前的研究已经证实，一些员工将 SSB 视为缓解工作压力的理想休息方式（Aquino et al., 2014；Sheppard et al., 2020）。

Two other characteristics of play activity are repetition and exaggeration. Repetition refers to repeated sequences of activity enacted by one or more social participants within one interaction, such that the process, rather than the result, of the sequence becomes its own reward (Miller, 1973). When SSB is repeatedly enacted, and when it is embellished compared to typical work behavior, the conduct appears scripted, not real, and therefore not serious, and this enhances the likelihood that it can be contained in a play frame (Goffman, 1974). For instance, in a study of coal miners, Vaught and Smith (1980: 172) observed “penis games” frequently enacted among male miners, including a beauty pageant that involved parading genitalia before judges who awarded prizes. Participant observers indicated that the miners viewed this extreme conduct as playful, rather than serious or offensive, due in part to the perception that the mine was a “different world” apart from typical social norms (Vaught & Smith, 1980). 游戏活动的另外两个特征是重复和夸张。重复指的是一个或多个社交参与者在一次互动中重复进行的活动序列，使得该序列的过程而非结果成为其自身的奖励（Miller，1973）。当SSB（此处应为特定术语，保留原样）被反复进行，并且与典型的工作行为相比被加以修饰时，这种行为看起来像是被编排好的，而非真实的，因此不那么严肃，这增加了它能够被包含在游戏框架中的可能性（Goffman，1974）。例如，在一项对煤矿工人的研究中，Vaught和Smith（1980：172）观察到男性矿工中频繁出现“阴茎游戏”，包括一场选美比赛，参与者在评委面前展示生殖器，评委还会颁发奖品。参与观察人员指出，矿工们认为这种极端行为是玩乐性质的，而非严肃或冒犯性的，部分原因是他们觉得矿井是一个“与典型社会规范截然不同的世界”（Vaught & Smith，1980）。

Research has also indicated that play activity is characterized by power-matching, whereby powerful actors restrain themselves to match weaker actors, and by role-switching, wherein actors take turns enacting different play roles (Bateson, 1954; Grueneisen & Tomasello, 2017; Hay, 1979). For example, in a survey study of police officers (Somvadee & Morash, 2008: 491), qualitative comments revealed that female officers often felt comfortable participating in sexual joking, especially when they were “kidding male officers back” (i.e., role-switching), and when powerful actors (e.g., men) would stop their SSB if asked (i.e., powermatching). Power-matching can involve some element of role-switching, such that dominant group members allow submissive members to take a turn in the dominate role (e.g., initiating SSB). Role-switching also necessitates activity repetition, with participants cycling through different roles. 研究还表明，游戏活动具有“权力匹配”和“角色转换”的特点（Bateson, 1954; Grueneisen & Tomasello, 2017; Hay, 1979）。“权力匹配”指强势方克制自身行为以匹配弱势方，“角色转换”则是参与者轮流扮演不同的游戏角色。例如，在一项针对警察的调查研究中（Somvadee & Morash, 2008: 491），定性评论显示，女性警官通常很乐意参与性玩笑，尤其是在“回敬男性警官”（即角色转换）时，以及当强势方（如男性）被要求停止性玩笑时（即权力匹配）。权力匹配可能包含一定的角色转换元素，即优势群体成员允许弱势群体成员轮流扮演优势角色（例如，发起性玩笑）。角色转换还需要重复活动，参与者会循环体验不同的角色。

Finally, playful activity is recognized as distinct from conduct that satisfies real needs or goals (Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974; Miller, 1973). For example, in the study of female police officers (Somvadee & Morash, 2008), many women did not recognize a connection between the sexual play in which they participated and the negative biases they believed male officers held about their work-related competence. This suggests that what happens during play can be viewed by some participants as disconnected from other goal-related activity; this is consistent with previous anthropological research suggesting the goal of play is its own process rather than any concreate results it may produce, further encouraging its repetition (Miller, 1973). 最后，游戏性活动被认为与满足真实需求或目标的行为有所区别（Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974; Miller, 1973）。例如，在对女警察的研究中（Somvadee & Morash, 2008），许多女性并未认识到自己参与的性游戏与她们认为男警官对其工作能力存在的负面偏见之间的联系。这表明，在游戏过程中发生的事情可能被一些参与者视为与其他目标相关活动无关；这与之前的人类学研究一致，该研究表明游戏的目标是过程本身而非其可能产生的任何具体结果，这进一步促使游戏被反复进行（Miller, 1973）。

Bracketing as a play signal. In framing theory, brackets are meta-communication markers that indicate when an activity begins and when it is finished, such as a curtain rising and falling to signal the start and end, respectively, of a theatrical performance (Goffman, 1974). Brackets function not only to set interpretive frames but also to clarify and assign social roles (Turner, 1988; Weick, 1979). When brackets are successful, participants understand their role in the activity and when it starts, which facilitates stable enactment of the interaction. Brackets likewise inform participants that an interaction has ended and that role expectations have changed, while also reaffirming the lens for interpreting what just happened. Because play exists in a make-believe realm that is separated from reality, it is important that play interactions be clearly bracketed so participants can distinguish when play starts and stops (Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974). In relation to work SSB, we predict that bracketing takes various forms. 作为游戏信号的括号标注。在框架理论中，括号（brackets）是元交流标记，用于指示活动何时开始以及何时结束，例如舞台幕布的升起和落下分别表示戏剧表演的开始和结束（Goffman, 1974）。括号不仅起到设定诠释框架的作用，还能澄清并分配社会角色（Turner, 1988; Weick, 1979）。当括号标注成功时，参与者会明确自己在活动中的角色以及活动的起始时间，这有助于互动的稳定执行。括号也会告知参与者互动已结束、角色预期发生变化，同时重申用于解读刚刚发生的事情的视角。由于游戏存在于与现实分离的虚构领域，因此明确标注游戏互动的括号至关重要，这样参与者才能区分游戏的开始和结束（Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974）。就工作社会支持网络（SSB）而言，我们预测括号标注会有多种形式。

The physical setting of an interaction is a powerful bracket for establishing a play frame. If colleagues interact in an entertainment venue off work premises (e.g., a bar, a gym), the setting communicates an informality that can be perceived as “raising the curtain” on a play frame. There may also be characteristics of these settings that reinforce the play frame—e.g., taking off one’s suit coat or drinking alcohol can be brackets signaling that this is not a workspace. Some businesses, such as sexualized restaurants (e.g., Bazooms [Loe, 1996]), attempt to contain the entire employee and patron experience within a play frame around sexual conduct. 互动的物理环境是建立游戏框架的强大支架。如果同事在工作场所外的娱乐场所（例如酒吧、健身房）互动，该环境传达出一种非正式性，可被视为“拉开游戏框架的帷幕”。这些环境的某些特征也可能强化游戏框架——例如，脱下西装外套或饮酒可以作为信号，表明这不是工作场所。一些企业，如性化餐厅（例如Bazooms [Loe, 1996]），试图将员工和顾客的整个体验都纳入围绕性活动的游戏框架中。

The social composition of the SSB interaction, in terms of which participants are present, also serves as a bracket. Erickson (2010) suggested that SSB can be used as a signal of trust and friendship, and Giuffre and Williams (1994) noted several social identity markers (e.g., race and sexual orientation) that determine when work SSB is considered playful banter among in-group members. So, just the presence of colleagues who are part of a trusted in-group can signal a space within which SSB is interpreted as playful. SSB互动的社会构成（即参与者的构成）也起到了一种框架作用。Erickson（2010）认为，SSB可以作为信任和友谊的信号，而Giuffre和Williams（1994）指出了若干社会身份标志（例如种族和性取向），这些标志决定了工作中的SSB何时被视为群体内部成员间的戏谑玩笑。因此，仅仅是属于某个可信赖群体的同事的存在，就可以表明一个空间，在这个空间中SSB会被解读为戏谑的行为。

Verbal brackets are a direct way to set the stage for play (Goffman, 1974). A coworker who prefaces a lewd comment by stating, “I’ve got a great dirty joke to tell you” is directly communicating that a sexual comment should be heard in a humor space. Nonverbal cues like smiling can also inform others that actions are playful (Bippus, Dunbar, & Liu, 2012). Similarly, laughter followed by a comment such as, “Now, let’s get back to work” end-brackets a previous interaction as playful and separate from serious work interactions. Indeed, norms around humor are scripted to the point that many participants laugh on cue before determining whether a joke is funny (Cooper, 2008). When verbal and nonverbal brackets are paired with other brackets, such as a set of coworker friends (social) in the break room (physical), and with the aforementioned play signals enacted during the SSB interaction, these together are powerful components of meta-communication that serve to orient social participants toward framing SSB as playful. 言语括号是为互动场景铺垫的直接方式（Goffman, 1974）。一位同事在低俗评论前说“我有个超棒的黄段子要讲给你听”，这直接传达了性相关评论应在幽默语境中被理解。微笑等非言语线索也能让他人知晓行为具有玩乐性质（Bippus, Dunbar, & Liu, 2012）。类似地，笑声后接“现在我们还是回到工作吧”这类评论，会将之前的互动以括号形式界定为玩乐性质，与严肃工作互动区分开来。事实上，幽默规范已被程式化到许多参与者在判断笑话是否好笑前就会按提示发笑的程度（Cooper, 2008）。当言语和非言语括号与其他括号（如休息室里的同事朋友群体社交、物理空间）以及SSB互动中展现的上述玩乐信号结合时，这些共同构成了元沟通的有力组成部分，旨在引导社交参与者将SSB框架为玩乐性质。

Proposition 2. A play frame is most likely to be set around work SSB when: (a) the conduct is nonlinear, repetitive, and exaggerated; involves role switching or power-matching; or is perceived as detached from work goals; and (b) physical, social, verbal, or nonverbal playsignal bracketing occurs before and after the SSB. 命题2. 当以下情况发生时，游戏框架最有可能围绕工作SSB展开：(a) 行为是非线性的、重复的且夸张的；涉及角色转换或权力匹配；或被认为与工作目标脱节；以及(b) 在SSB前后发生物理、社交、言语或非言语的游戏信号包围现象。

Organizational cultural influences. As shown in Figure 1, we predict that the culture of an organization will influence the setting of play frames. Culture develops as organization-level sensemaking creates knowledge structures, norms, and values that are taught to organizational members (Daft & Weick, 1984). Culture acts as a “thread of coherence” that stabilizes members’ beliefs, feelings, and actions and that sets the boundaries for acceptable behavior (Daft & Weick, 1984: 285). This stabilization creates cultural entrapment, wherein the organization’s shared values, norms, and assumptions lock social participants into a course of action, justify that action, and confirm its acceptability (Weick & Sutcliffe, 2003). Here, we focus on masculinity contest culture (MCC), because this type of culture encourages SSB and play-related actions. 组织文化影响。如图1所示，我们预测组织文化将影响游戏框架的设置。文化是随着组织层面的意义建构形成知识结构、规范和价值观，并传授给组织成员而发展起来的（Daft & Weick，1984）。文化充当“连贯的线索”，稳定成员的信念、情感和行动，并为可接受的行为设定界限（Daft & Weick，1984：285）。这种稳定化会造成文化陷阱，即组织的共享价值观、规范和假设将社会参与者锁定在某种行动路径中，为该行动提供合理性并确认其可接受性（Weick & Sutcliffe，2003）。在此，我们聚焦于男性气概竞赛文化（MCC），因为这种文化鼓励SSB和与游戏相关的行动。

MCC exists in organizations defined by (Western) hegemonic masculinity norms (Berdahl, Cooper, Glick, Livingston, & Williams, 2018) that promote dominance and agency (Connell, 1987; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Messerschmidt, 2018). MCC evolves as organizationally sanctioned masculinity norms are repeatedly enacted in zero-sum contests that determine acceptance, status, and power within the organization (Berdahl et al., 2018; Kuchynka, Bosson, Vandello, & Puryear, 2018). These norms include: (a) prohibiting displays of weakness or vulnerability, (b) rewarding strength and stamina, (c) prioritizing work over other aspects of life, and (d) winning at dog-eat-dog style competitions (Glick, Berdahl, & Alonso, 2018). These norms demonstrate what MCC employers value (e.g., dominance more than humility), what they assume (e.g., strength should be rewarded), and which behaviors are valued (e.g., winning at all costs). MCCs have been demonstrated to be distinct from other cultural types (e.g., psychological safety culture, work—life balance culture, toxic leadership culture, heterosexist culture) and have been documented in policing organizations, consulting firms, and workplaces described by random samples of adult workers (Glick et al., 2018; Rawski & Workman-Stark, 2018; Reid, O’Neill, & Blair-Loy, 2018). MCC 存在于由（西方）霸权男性气质规范定义的组织中（Berdahl, Cooper, Glick, Livingston, & Williams, 2018），这些规范促进支配地位和能动性（Connell, 1987；Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005；Messerschmidt, 2018）。随着组织认可的男性气质规范在零和竞赛中反复实施，MCC 不断演变，这些竞赛决定了组织内的接纳度、地位和权力（Berdahl et al., 2018；Kuchynka, Bosson, Vandello, & Puryear, 2018）。这些规范包括：(a) 禁止表现出软弱或脆弱，(b) 奖励力量和耐力，(c) 优先考虑工作而非生活的其他方面，以及 (d) 在弱肉强食式的竞争中获胜（Glick, Berdahl, & Alonso, 2018）。这些规范表明了 MCC 雇主的价值观（例如，更重视支配地位而非谦逊）、他们的假设（例如，力量应该得到奖励）以及哪些行为受到重视（例如，不惜一切代价获胜）。MCC 已被证明与其他文化类型不同（例如，心理安全文化、工作 - 生活平衡文化、有毒领导文化、异性恋至上文化），并且在警察组织、咨询公司以及成年工人随机样本描述的工作场所中已有文献记载（Glick et al., 2018；Rawski & Workman - Stark, 2018；Reid, O’Neill, & Blair - Loy, 2018）。

We predict that an MCC encourages the setting of a play frame around work SSB for two reasons. First, the behaviors associated with masculinity define the culture of the organization such that gendered values, norms, assumptions, and behavior are habitual and customary (Berdahl et al., 2018). Therefore, actions like SSB that highlight differences between men and women and that devalue the feminine are normative in MCC organizations. Second, because manhood is an achieved status that must be repeatedly earned (i.e., the “precarious manhood” concept [Vandello & Bosson, 2013; Vandello, Bosson, Cohen, Burnaford, & Weaver, 2008]), contesting is important in order to establish masculinity, which determines status in MCCs. Contests are based on a play-like foundation in that dominance (a central cultural value in MCC [Berdahl et al., 2018]) is achieved through repeated competitions that determine winners and losers. This similarity between the foundation of the play frame and of the MCC work frame means that boundaries are easily blurred. For example, “chain-yanking” humor (a joking contest that tests the stoicism of targets through increasingly aggressive humor) has been observed in masculine work cultures to determine dominance and ingroup-out-group status (Quinn, 2000); hence, playful activity reinforces the culture. Since winning is a cultural value and gender-based contesting is used to determine who wins in an MCC, there is a blurred line between the work culture and play interaction frames, creating cultural entrapment (Weick & Sutcliffe, 2003) that further encourages dominance contests involving SSB. 我们认为，男性气质文化（MCC）会促使围绕工作场景中的同性社交行为（SSB）设置一种“游戏框架”，原因有二。首先，与男性气质相关的行为塑造了组织文化，使得性别化的价值观、规范、假设和行为成为习惯性和常规性的（Berdahl等人，2018）。因此，像SSB这类凸显男女差异并贬低女性特质的行为，在MCC组织中具有规范性。其次，因为男性身份是一种需要反复争取的“成就性地位”（即“不稳定男性身份”概念[Vandello & Bosson, 2013；Vandello, Bosson, Cohen, Burnaford, & Weaver, 2008]），竞争对于确立男性气质至关重要——而男性气质在MCC中是决定地位的关键因素。竞争基于一种类似游戏的基础，因为“主导地位”（MCC的核心文化价值[Berdahl等人，2018]）是通过反复的竞赛来实现的，这些竞赛会决定胜负。游戏框架的基础与MCC工作框架的基础之间的这种相似性，使得两者的边界容易模糊。例如，“链式拉扯”幽默（一种通过不断升级的攻击性玩笑来测试目标坚忍度的玩笑竞赛）在男性主导的工作文化中被观察到用于确定主导地位和群体内外身份（Quinn, 2000）；因此，游戏化活动会强化这种文化。由于获胜是一种文化价值，且性别化竞争被用来决定MCC中的胜负，工作文化与游戏互动框架之间的界限变得模糊，从而形成了文化困局（Weick & Sutcliffe, 2003），而这种困局进一步助长了涉及SSB的主导地位竞赛。

Proposition 2c. Work SSB is more likely to be set in a play frame within organizations characterized by a masculinity contest culture. 命题2c。工作SSB更有可能在具有男性气质竞赛文化的组织中以戏剧框架的形式出现。

Sustaining the Play Frame for Work SSB

维持工作SSB的播放框架

As described earlier, frames are sustained through role-making, role-taking (Turner, 1988), and engrossment in role enactment (Flaherty, 1991). These dynamics create a collective motivation to stay within the set SSB play frame. However, participants also have individual motives that determine whether play frames will be sustained. Participants are likely to sustain the frame when they perceive it to be either disconnected from or positively connected to their work goals, and when they believe it supports interdependent work goals within the group. 如前所述，框架通过角色塑造、角色承担（Turner，1988）以及沉浸于角色演绎（Flaherty，1991）得以维持。这些动态因素形成了一种集体动力，促使个体保持在设定的SSB游戏框架内。然而，参与者也有各自的动机，这些动机决定了游戏框架是否会持续。当参与者认为游戏框架与他们的工作目标无关，或者与工作目标存在积极关联，并且相信该框架支持团队内相互依存的工作目标时，他们更有可能维持该框架。

Goal interconnectedness. Individuals manage multiple, interconnected goals at work (Ashforth, Harrison, & Corley, 2008; Austin & Vancouver, 1996; Unsworth, Yeo, & Beck, 2014; Vancouver, Weinhardt, & Schmidt, 2010). This research has shown that goals exist within individual perceptions in a cognitive hierarchy that contains various levels of abstraction and longevity. Abstract goals (values goals and identity goals) reside at the top of the hierarchy and are enduring; concrete goals (performance goals and task goals) exist at the base and are more transient. Within the hierarchy, goals are embedded and connected; for example, a values goal (like a strong work ethic) embeds an identity goal (maintaining a professional demeanor at work) which contains a performance goal (desiring excellent performance reviews). This connection means that when one goal is activated (i.e., when it motivates behavior), there are implications for connected goals that can either be positively connected (e.g., a good performance review supports the connected professional identity goal and the strong work ethic goal) or negatively connected (e.g., a poor performance review threatens the identity and values goals). Goals can also be disconnected, meaning that activation of one goal has little effect on others (e.g., a strong work ethic is disconnected from an athletic identity or an athletic performance goal). 目标的相互关联性。个体在工作中管理多个相互关联的目标（Ashforth, Harrison, & Corley, 2008; Austin & Vancouver, 1996; Unsworth, Yeo, & Beck, 2014; Vancouver, Weinhardt, & Schmidt, 2010）。这项研究表明，目标存在于个体认知层次的感知中，该层次包含不同抽象程度和持久性的级别。抽象目标（价值观目标和身份目标）位于层次结构的顶端，具有持久性；具体目标（绩效目标和任务目标）位于底层，更具短暂性。在层次结构内，目标相互嵌入并连接；例如，一个价值观目标（如强烈的职业道德）嵌入一个身份目标（在工作中保持专业风度），而该身份目标又包含一个绩效目标（期望获得优秀的绩效评价）。这种连接意味着，当一个目标被激活（即它激励行为时），会对相关目标产生影响，这些影响可能是积极的（例如，良好的绩效评价支持相关的职业身份目标和强烈的职业道德目标）或消极的（例如，不佳的绩效评价威胁身份目标和价值观目标）。目标也可能是断开连接的，这意味着一个目标的激活对其他目标影响甚微（例如，强烈的职业道德与运动身份或运动绩效目标断开连接）。

This has implications for sustaining an SSB play frame. It is characteristic of play frames that individuals contained therein perceive play goals and work goals as separate, because actions in the play space are not perceived as consequential to matters in more serious realms, such as work (Bateson, 1954; Goffman, 1974). As described earlier, this was the case for the female officers who did not see the connection between engaging in playful SSB with male colleagues and the bias those men held about female officers’ work competence (Somvadee & Morash, 2008). Because goals exist in a layered hierarchy, playful interaction-level goals can be quite removed, cognitively, from higher-level (identity, values) work goals. It becomes understandable, then, that participants may regard playful SSB as more strongly connected to other outcomes (e.g., in-group acceptance, enjoyable work relationships) than to work performance outcomes. This disconnect facilitates preservation of the play frame because there is less belief that what happens in the play space will result in negative outcomes in the workspace. 这对维持 SSB 游戏框架具有重要意义。游戏框架的特点是其中的个体将游戏目标和工作目标视为独立的，因为游戏空间中的行为不会被认为对更严肃的领域（如工作）产生影响（Bateson, 1954；Goffman, 1974）。如前所述，这一情况适用于那些没有将与男同事进行有趣的 SSB 互动与其对女军官工作能力的偏见联系起来的女军官（Somvadee & Morash, 2008）。由于目标存在于分层的等级体系中，游戏互动层面的目标在认知上可能与更高层次（身份、价值观）的工作目标相去甚远。因此，参与者可能会认为有趣的 SSB 与其他结果（例如，群体内接纳、愉快的工作关系）的联系比与工作绩效结果的联系更紧密。这种脱节有助于维持游戏框架，因为人们不太相信游戏空间中发生的事情会在工作空间中导致负面结果。

Other participants may see the play frame as positively connected and instrumental to their work goals. Research on strategic sexual performance (i.e., SSB used as a social influence tactic) has suggested that employees use playful SSB to elicit positive moods and ingratiate themselves to others as a way of enhancing their own influence (Aquino et al., 2014; Watkins et al., 2013). For instance, women working at the restaurant Bazooms accepted playful SSB from customers, viewing it positively as a means to earn better tips (Loe, 1996), and Marshall (2003) found that some women believe engaging in SSB is a way to exercise power at work. 其他参与者可能会将这种游戏化行为（play frame）视为与自身工作目标积极相关且具有工具性的因素。关于战略性性表现（即作为社会影响策略使用的 SSB）的研究表明，员工会使用带有玩笑性质的 SSB 来唤起积极情绪，并讨好他人，以此增强自身影响力（Aquino et al., 2014；Watkins et al., 2013）。例如，在餐厅 Bazooms 工作的女性会接受顾客带有玩笑性质的 SSB，并将其视为赚取更多小费的积极手段（Loe, 1996）；Marshall（2003）发现，一些女性认为参与 SSB 是在职场中行使权力的一种方式。

Therefore, disconnected goals and positively connected goals provide motivation to individuals to sustain a play frame. These conditions are distinct from the scenario of negatively connected goals, in which participants perceive their work goals to be harmed by playful SSB (for examples, see Marshall, 2003 and Quinn, 2000). 因此，不连贯的目标和积极关联的目标为个体维持游戏框架提供了动力。这些条件与消极关联目标的情景不同，在消极关联目标的情景中，参与者认为他们的工作目标会受到玩乐性SSB的损害（例如，见Marshall, 2003和Quinn, 2000）。

Proposition 3a. An individual participant is motivated to sustain a play frame for work SSB when play goals and work goals are perceived as either disconnected or positively connected. 命题3a。当游戏目标和工作目标被认为是相互分离或积极关联时，个体参与者会有动力维持工作安全系统边界（SSB）的游戏框架。

Work goal interdependence. The degree to which group members’ goals are related and the structure of that relationship predisposes social interactions toward cooperation or competition (Deutsch, 1949). In groups with positive goal interdependence, members share the same work goals or have goals that facilitate each other; in groups with negative goal interdependence, members have different work goals or goals that directly compete (Tjosvold, 1986). When positive interdependence is perceived, cooperation emerges, reciprocity in roles is strengthened, interactions are more cohesive (Tjosvold, 1986), and there is higher group morale (Deutsch, 1962). With negative goal interdependence, competition, frustrating or hostile interactions (Deutsch, 1962; Kelley & Stahelski, 1970), and social ostracization occur (Wu, Ferris, Kwan, Chiang, Snape, & Liang, 2015), which necessitates sensemaking about the meaning of interactions (Tjosvold, 1986). 工作目标相互依存性。群体成员目标的关联程度及其关系结构会使社会互动倾向于合作或竞争（Deutsch，1949）。在具有积极目标相互依存性的群体中，成员拥有相同的工作目标或能相互促进的目标；在具有消极目标相互依存性的群体中，成员拥有不同的工作目标或直接竞争的目标（Tjosvold，1986）。当感知到积极的相互依存性时，合作会出现，角色中的互惠性会增强，互动会更具凝聚力（Tjosvold，1986），并且群体士气会更高（Deutsch，1962）。而在消极目标相互依存性下，会出现竞争、令人沮丧或敌对的互动（Deutsch，1962；Kelley & Stahelski，1970）以及社会排斥现象（Wu，Ferris，Kwan，Chiang，Snape，& Liang，2015），这就需要对互动的意义进行意义建构（Tjosvold，1986）。

Participants in an interaction group with positive goal interdependence are inclined to sustain an existing interactional frame, because interrupting the interdependent roles and engrossment that characterize the frame will disrupt the cooperation necessary for the group’s work (Deutsch, 1962; Tjosvold, 1986; Weick, 1993). In other words, positive goal interdependence serves as a force that discourages participants from disrupting a set play frame around work SSB, given the negative consequences that disruption would trigger. For example, Dougherty and Smythe (2004: 304) described the commitment of academic women to “give in to” SSB from a rich, male donor in order to reach the university’s fundraising goals. Additionally, in a study of the Royal Mounted Canadian Police, women were ostracized and refused backup on service calls when they disrupted group solidarity by reporting SH (Workman-Stark, 2017). 在具有积极目标相互依赖的互动群体中，参与者倾向于维持现有的互动框架，因为中断构成该框架的相互依赖角色和投入会破坏群体工作所需的合作（Deutsch，1962；Tjosvold，1986；Weick，1993）。换句话说，积极的目标相互依赖起到了阻止参与者破坏围绕工作SSB的既定行为框架的作用，因为破坏行为会引发负面后果。例如，Dougherty和Smythe（2004：304）描述了学术女性为了实现大学的筹款目标而“屈服于”来自富裕男性捐赠者的SSB的承诺。此外，在一项对加拿大皇家骑警的研究中，女性因报告SH（Workman-Stark，2017）而破坏群体团结时，遭到了排斥并在执行任务时被拒绝提供支援。

In these scenarios, a participant may view SSB as legitimately existing within the play frame, or the participant may question the frame’s validity but still enact their playful role in order to support interdependent goals. With the latter, the participant misleads others into believing that the play frame is mutually agreed upon, creating a frame fabrication (a situation in which a participant dupes another participant into accepting an inaccurate frame). For example, in the mining study described earlier, one woman considered suing after being “greased” by her male coworkers (a ritual in which coal grease is smeared on miners’ genitalia), but she ultimately did not pursue a suit after being ostracized by male miners and pressured by other female miners who argued that the litigation would have negative consequences for their work group (Vaught & Smith, 1980). This emphasizes the important point that individuals playing their role within a set frame may be doing so in service to other goals that are perceived as more important, not as a way of endorsing the existing frame. It also reaffirms that social interaction frames are tenuous in that they hold their shape only so long as group members remain willing to enact roles and there is some group-level perception that the SSB is indeed playful behavior. 在这些场景中，参与者可能会认为 SSB 在游戏框架内是合法存在的，或者参与者可能质疑该框架的有效性，但仍会为了支持相互依存的目标而扮演其游戏角色。在后一种情况下，参与者会误导他人，让他们相信游戏框架是双方共同认可的，从而造成框架虚构（即一名参与者欺骗另一名参与者接受不准确框架的情况）。例如，在前面描述的采矿研究中，一名女性在被男性同事“润滑”（一种将煤油脂涂抹在矿工生殖器上的仪式）后曾考虑提起诉讼，但在被男性矿工排斥，并受到其他女性矿工的压力（她们认为诉讼会对她们的工作小组产生负面影响）后，她最终没有提起诉讼（Vaught & Smith, 1980）。这强调了一个重要观点：在既定框架内扮演角色的个人，其行为可能是为了服务于被视为更重要的其他目标，而不是为了认可现有的框架。这也再次表明，社会互动框架是脆弱的，只有当群体成员仍愿意扮演角色，并且存在某种群体层面的认知认为 SSB 确实是游戏行为时，框架才能维持其形态。

Proposition 3b. An individual participant is motivated to sustain a play frame for work SSB when there is positive interdependence in the interaction group’s work goals. 命题3b。当互动小组的工作目标存在正向相互依赖时，个体参与者会有动力维持工作SSB的游戏框架。

Limit-Testing and Breaking the Play Frame for Work SSB

限制测试与突破工作SSB的播放框架

At some point the sustained play frame will face a limit-test, whereby a novel form of interaction (e.g., a new behavior, participant, or context) tests its boundaries; for example, sexual joking that occurs among colleagues at a happy hour could be limittested if someone enacts this conduct in the office. Figure 1 illustrates two possible outcomes to limittesting: frame expansion that sustains the play frame and maintains interaction stability, or framebreaking that creates interaction vulnerability and triggers sensemaking. 在某个时刻，持续的游戏框架会面临极限测试，其中一种新的互动形式（例如新的行为、参与者或情境）会测试其边界；例如，同事在欢乐时光进行的性玩笑，如果有人在办公室里实施这种行为，就可能成为极限测试的对象。图1展示了极限测试的两种可能结果：框架扩展，即维持游戏框架并保持互动稳定性；或框架破坏，即造成互动脆弱性并触发意义建构。

Play frame expansion. Play frames are understood to have two unique properties: an inherent goal of limit-testing, and boundaries that are highly elastic (Goffman, 1974: 384). Humor research has supported the idea that a play context facilitates limit-testing, depicting humor as an action that inherently pushes the boundaries of tolerance (Coogan, 2013). Play frames are elastic in that conduct initially deemed off limits can later be accepted, especially with a change in place, time, or social composition (Popovi, 2018). There is something inherent to play that encourages participants to test what else can be contained within the frame, suggesting that efforts to expand play frames are an expected part of play frame dynamics (Goffman, 1974). 游戏框架扩展。游戏框架被理解为具有两个独特属性：一个是内在的极限测试目标，另一个是高度弹性的边界（Goffman, 1974: 384）。幽默研究支持这样一种观点，即游戏情境促进极限测试，将幽默描述为一种本质上推动容忍边界的行为（Coogan, 2013）。游戏框架具有弹性，因为最初被视为禁区的行为后来可能被接受，特别是在地点、时间或社会构成发生变化时（Popovi, 2018）。游戏本身具有某种内在特质，鼓励参与者测试框架内还能容纳什么，这表明扩展游戏框架的努力是游戏框架动态的一个预期部分（Goffman, 1974）。

At times of expansion, frames become vulnerable, yet expansion of the play frame is facilitated by the interactional dynamics described in the model. When participants are engrossed in their roles (Flaherty, 1991), they are less focused on questioning the frame than on enacting it. There are also social costs that discourage frame-questioning in that relational identities (Sluss & Ashforth, 2007) necessary to the social interaction will be threatened (Petriglieri, 2011) if the frame is not enacted. Because individuals hold multiple identities (Ashforth & Johnson, 2001), another identity (e.g., moral identity, feminist identity) could override the relational identity and prompt questioning of the frame (which could lead to frame-breaking, described next). However, given the predominance of the inframe role to current interaction, the relational identity is likely most salient. Further, other participants can use play signals (Proposition 2a and 2b) to dispel questioning and keep individuals contained as play boundaries are expanded. For example, participants can use brackets a priori (e.g., “Here’s the dirtiest joke I know”) to predefine the expanded conduct as playful, or they may expand the frame using role-switching or power-matching to communicate that playful SSB should be received as nonthreatening. Individuals may be further motivated to expand the play frame if they see a limited or positive connection between the new playful behavior and work goals (Proposition 3a) or if they believe expansion will facilitate interdependent work goals (Proposition 3b). This suggests that when the play frame containing work SSB is limit-tested, increasingly severe or pervasive SSB can remain contained through the same interactional dynamics used to initially set the play frame. Frame expansion, therefore, is a potential explanation for the development of hostile work environments evident in SH cases (Paetzold & O’Leary-Kelly, 1993a, 1993b, 1994). 在扩张时期，框架变得脆弱，但模型中描述的互动动态促进了游戏框架的扩张。当参与者全神贯注于自己的角色时（Flaherty，1991），他们不太会质疑框架，而是更专注于践行框架。此外，还存在社会成本，阻碍了对框架的质疑，因为如果框架未被践行，社会互动所必需的关系身份（Sluss & Ashforth，2007）将受到威胁（Petriglieri，2011）。由于个体拥有多重身份（Ashforth & Johnson，2001），另一种身份（例如道德身份、女权主义身份）可能会超越关系身份，并促使对框架提出质疑（这可能导致框架打破，下文将描述）。然而，鉴于当前互动中框架内角色的主导地位，关系身份可能最为突出。此外，其他参与者可以使用游戏信号（命题2a和2b）来消除质疑，在游戏边界扩大时将个体限制在框架内。例如，参与者可以预先使用括号（例如，“这是我知道的最肮脏的笑话”）来将扩展的行为定义为游戏性的，或者他们可以通过角色转换或权力匹配来扩大框架，以传达游戏性的SSB应被视为无威胁的。如果个体看到新的游戏性行为与工作目标之间存在有限或积极的联系（命题3a），或者如果他们认为扩张将促进相互依赖的工作目标（命题3b），他们可能会进一步有动力扩大游戏框架。这表明，当包含工作SSB的游戏框架受到极限测试时，同样的互动动态可以通过最初设定游戏框架的方式，使日益严重或普遍的SSB保持在框架内。因此，框架扩张是SH案例中明显存在的敌对工作环境发展的一个潜在解释（Paetzold & O’Leary-Kelly，1993a，1993b，1994）。

Proposition 4. Play frames can be expanded over time such that increasingly frequent or overtly sexual conduct will come to be perceived as playful. 命题4. 游戏场景可以随着时间推移而扩展，使得越来越频繁或露骨的性相关行为会被视为是嬉戏的。

Play frame-breaking. Although play frames are unique in their capacity for expansion, they are not invincible. Hence, a second outcome of limit-testing is frame-breaking (Goffman, 1974), a scenario in which the frame is challenged by one or more participants as inauthentic, not useful for making meaning of the interaction, or not appropriate for governing ongoing role performance. Any individual (whether a group member or an external party) who calls out or otherwise enacts the invalidity of the current interactional frame around SSB is a potential frame-breaker. Framebreaking can occur during an interaction but, due to engrossment in roles, it also can surface in future interactions as refusal to enact the scripted role. Research on humor has supported this, indicating that individuals often laugh at jokes in the moment because of social cues that laughter is expected, and only later reflect on whether they believe the joke was funny (Cooper, 2008). So, it may take some time after a limit-test for a play frame to break. 打破游戏框架。尽管游戏框架在其扩展能力方面具有独特性，但它们并非坚不可摧。因此，极限测试的第二个结果是框架打破（戈夫曼，1974），即框架被一个或多个参与者质疑为不真实、对理解互动无帮助，或不适合规范持续的角色表现。任何个人（无论是群体成员还是外部人士）如果指出或以其他方式认定围绕SSB的当前互动框架无效，都可能成为框架打破者。框架打破可能发生在互动过程中，但由于角色投入，它也可能在未来的互动中以拒绝扮演脚本化角色的形式显现。对幽默的研究支持了这一点，表明人们往往在当下因社会暗示（即预期会发笑）而笑，只有后来才会反思自己是否认为这个笑话有趣（库珀，2008）。因此，游戏框架可能需要在极限测试后一段时间才会打破。

When a participant labels SSB as not playful, this disrupts the ability of all participants to be engrossed in the activity and to maintain role enactment; for example, a group member may call out increasingly graphic sexual joking that violates their identity as a moral person. When the meaning attached to the group’s interactions is called into question, it will be difficult to sustain ongoing activity (Goffman, 1974; Weick, 1993). Frame breaks seem more likely when limit-tests are drastic (versus gradual), because “too much too fast” makes it difficult for participants to sustain a belief that the interaction is playful. In an example of gradual limit-testing, one qualitative study described an employee who accepted the boss’s SSB after several gradual iterations were intermingled with gestures of friendship (Adikaram, 2018). Drastic changes may occur in behavior (e.g., sexual inuendo turns to physical groping), participants (e.g., sexual joking among men now includes a female colleague), or context (e.g., sexual comments about appearance move from the gym to the office). As multiple features change in combination, a limittest will be increasingly drastic, especially in the absence of play signals. The elasticity of the frame’s boundary may also depend on the time frame that is given to participants to adapt. When features of the interaction change within short time periods, a limit-test may be perceived as too drastic, and the frame may be pushed beyond its elastic capacity, leading to a frame break. 当一名参与者将 SSB 描述为不具娱乐性时，这会破坏所有参与者沉浸于活动并维持角色表演的能力；例如，一名小组成员可能会大声说出越来越露骨的性玩笑，这违背了他们作为有道德的人的身份认同。当群体互动所附的意义受到质疑时，很难维持持续的活动（Goffman，1974；Weick，1993）。当限制测试是剧烈的（而非渐进的）时，框架打破似乎更有可能发生，因为“过快过多”会使参与者难以维持认为互动具有娱乐性的信念。在一个渐进式限制测试的例子中，一项定性研究描述了一名员工在几次渐进式迭代与友谊手势交织后接受了老板的 SSB（Adikaram，2018）。行为（例如，性暗示转变为身体骚扰）、参与者（例如，男性之间的性玩笑现在包括一名女性同事）或情境（例如，关于外貌的性评论从健身房转移到办公室）可能会发生剧烈变化。随着多个特征组合发生变化，限制测试将变得越来越剧烈，尤其是在缺乏游戏信号的情况下。框架边界的弹性也可能取决于给予参与者适应的时间范围。当互动特征在短时间内发生变化时，限制测试可能会被视为过于剧烈，框架可能会超出其弹性容量，导致框架打破。

Proposition 5a. Frame-breaking around work SSB previously perceived as playful is more likely when limit-testing is drastic (versus gradual). 命题5a。围绕先前被视为嬉戏的工作SSB的突破框架行为，在极限测试（而非逐步测试）时更有可能发生。

Fabrication may also predispose a frame to breaking. Fabrication of a play frame could occur for a variety of reasons. For example, an interaction participant who wants to gain sexual gratification, build power, exert dominance, seek revenge, gain status, or reduce negative emotions (all SH motives [O’Leary-Kelly et al., 2000]) may fool their target into accepting SSB by setting a play frame. Because play is a less real and less negative frame, the fabrication facilitates the fabricator’s motives while also providing protection from discovery or negative consequences. Fabricators may be tempted to push the limits of play too far too fast as they pursue their true interaction goals, leading to frame-breaking. This may be especially likely in MCC organizations with an ethos of contesting, wherein efforts to push the limits of play are normative. Fabrication may also prompt frame-breaking because of the demands it places on the fabricator. Maintaining two distinct frames is a challenging cognitive and emotional task. This requires surface-acting emotional labor, which is difficult to sustain over time (Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993; Kammeyer-Mueller et al., 2013), and may be especially difficult for targets of unwanted SSB who fabricate their endorsement of play frames in pursuit of other goals. Errors in acting or emotion management can cue up the fabricator’s true motives or beliefs, which leads to questioning of the veracity of the play frame and possible framebreaking. 虚构也可能使框架容易破裂。构建游戏框架可能有多种原因。例如，一个希望获得性满足、建立权力、施加支配、寻求报复、获得地位或减少负面情绪（所有均为SH动机[O’Leary-Kelly等人，2000]）的互动参与者，可能会通过设置游戏框架来欺骗目标接受表面性游戏行为（SSB）。由于游戏是一种较不真实且负面性较低的框架，这种虚构行为既有助于实施者实现其动机，又能保护其免受发现或负面后果的影响。实施者可能会因为追求真实互动目标而急于过度、过快地突破游戏的界限，从而导致框架破裂。在具有竞争精神的军事指挥官委员会（MCC）组织中，这种情况尤其可能发生，因为在这类组织中，突破游戏界限的行为是一种常态。此外，虚构行为还可能因对实施者造成的压力而引发框架破裂。维持两种截然不同的框架是一项具有挑战性的认知和情感任务。这需要进行表面情绪劳动（表面情绪管理），而这种劳动难以长期维持（Ashforth & Humphrey，1993；Kammeyer-Mueller等人，2013），对于那些为追求其他目标而虚构对游戏框架认可的非自愿表面性游戏行为（SSB）目标而言，这种劳动尤其困难。在行为或情绪管理上的失误可能会暴露实施者的真实动机或信念，进而引发对游戏框架真实性的质疑，并可能导致框架破裂。

Proposition 5b. Breaking of the play frame containing work SSB will be more likely when fabrication was used to set or sustain the play frame. 命题5b。当制造（fabrication）被用来设定或维持游戏框架时，包含作品SSB的游戏框架被打破的可能性会更大。

Outcomes of Breaking the Play Frame Around Work SSB

打破工作SSB播放框架的结果

As shown in Figure 1, a frame break involves movement out of the play frame and into the middle cycle of interaction vulnerability and sensemaking. Once a frame breaks, interactions are vulnerable to the risk that activity will not continue in a coordinated fashion. To avoid social dysfunction or dismantling of the group, sensemaking commences (Weick, 1993). The interaction group must determine, collectively, the meaning of the work SSB they enacted. There are three possible outcomes of sensemaking: (a) a return to the play frame (cycling upward in the model), (b) ongoing interaction vulnerability (continuing sensemaking in the middle cycle), or (c) setting an SH frame (cycling downward in the model). 如图1所示，框架断裂涉及离开游戏框架并进入互动脆弱性和意义建构的中间循环。一旦框架断裂，互动就容易面临活动无法以协调方式继续的风险。为避免社会功能失调或群体瓦解，意义建构开始（Weick，1993）。互动群体必须集体确定他们实施的工作SSB的意义。意义建构有三种可能结果：（a）回到游戏框架（模型中向上循环），（b）持续互动脆弱性（在中间循环中继续进行意义建构），或（c）建立SH框架（模型中向下循环）。

Return to the play frame. Given the familiarity and presumed utility of the play frame, the sensemaking cycle could lead the group to reset this frame. Participants who did not break the frame are likely motivated to reestablish the interpretation that contained previous interactions due to the interconnectedness of reciprocal roles (Turner, 1988). They may try to draw the frame-breaker back into the frame through the use of play signals, or they may access the excuses readily associated with play (“That was a joke”). These efforts may be successful, especially if the frame-breaker has motives to remain, such as high goal interdependence with others in the group. In future interactions, though, this participant will be vigilant to cues that the SSB is not playful and another frame break could occur. With each succeeding break, the group’s ability to reestablish the play frame will be diminished. The play frame could most easily be reset if the rogue participant is removed from the group (e.g., via reassignment, job loss). An analysis of SH charges filed by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) between 2012 and 2016 found that $6 4 %$ of complaints resulted in removal of the complainant through job loss (McCann, Tomaskovic-Devey, & Badgett, 2018). Such actions facilitate preservation of the existing play frame around SSB. 回到游戏框架。考虑到游戏框架的熟悉度和推定的实用性，意义建构循环可能会促使群体重置这个框架。未打破框架的参与者可能会因为互惠角色的相互关联性（Turner，1988）而有动机重新建立包含先前互动的解释。他们可能会尝试通过使用游戏信号将框架破坏者重新拉回框架中，或者他们可能会轻易地援引与游戏相关的借口（“那只是个玩笑”）。这些努力可能会成功，特别是如果框架破坏者有动机留在其中，例如与群体中其他人有高度的目标相互依存。不过，在未来的互动中，该参与者会警惕那些表明SSB不具游戏性的线索，因为另一次框架破坏可能会发生。随着每次成功的破坏，群体重新建立游戏框架的能力将会减弱。如果将违规参与者从群体中移除（例如通过重新分配、失业），游戏框架最容易被重置。美国平等就业机会委员会（EEOC）2012年至2016年期间提交的性骚扰（SH）指控分析发现，64%的投诉导致投诉人因失业而被解雇（McCann, Tomaskovic-Devey, & Badgett, 2018）。此类行动有助于维护围绕SSB的现有游戏框架。

Proposition 6. Sensemaking following a break in the play frame around work SSB is more likely to lead to resetting of the play frame when (a) frame breaks have not occurred around this behavior previously; and (b) the individual who initiated the break is removed from the interaction group. 命题6. 在围绕工作SSB的游戏框架中断后，意义建构更有可能导致游戏框架重置，当（a）在此行为周围之前未发生框架中断；且（b）发起中断的个体被从互动群体中移除时。

Ongoing sensemaking. If a play frame cannot be reset, the SSB will be down-keyed (Goffman, 1974) such that it is viewed as serious. This is a challenge for the interaction group. As described earlier, SSB can be contained in various frames besides a play frame (e.g., romantic interest, friendship), but we predict that the most likely down-keyed frame for SSB is an SH frame (we explain this prediction in the next section). This is challenging because participants will generally view SH as a highly undesirable frame, given their involvement in the conduct that will now be labeled as harassing. Interpreting the conduct as SH creates the potential for identity threat (Petriglieri, 2011) because participants will have to account for their own roles in the interactions, raising accountability concerns (Frink & Klimoski, 1998; Tetlock, 1992). 持续的意义建构。如果无法重置游戏框架，SSB（社会情境行为）将被降调（戈夫曼，1974），使其被视为严肃行为。这对互动小组构成了挑战。如前所述，SSB 除了游戏框架外，还可能被纳入各种其他框架（例如，浪漫兴趣、友谊），但我们预测，SSB 最可能被降调的框架是 SH 框架（我们将在下一节解释这一预测）。这一情况颇具挑战性，因为参与者通常会将 SH 视为一种极不可取的框架，尤其是在他们参与的行为现在被贴上骚扰标签的情况下。将行为解读为 SH 可能会引发身份威胁（佩特里利埃里，2011），因为参与者必须说明自己在互动中的角色，从而引发问责问题（弗林克 & 克利莫斯基，1998；泰特洛克，1992）。

If the group cannot return to the play frame but rejects interpretation of their actions within the SH frame, it is trapped in the sensemaking cycle, trying to find a viable and identity-affirming meaning for the previous SSB. In this social space, participants may experience an escalation of commitment mentality (Staw, 1981) and be motivated to defend actions in the play frame. This sets up competitive dynamics and the loss of cooperation (Tjosvold, 1986) between the frame-breaker, who denies the play frame, and other participants who defend that meaning. It is possible the group could be convinced, likely through an organizational sensegiving intervention (training or mediation), to agree on SH as an appropriate frame. However, given the competing positions and high stakes (e.g., identity threat, accountability) for all participants, conflict and an inability to agree on a new meaning for the work SSB seems probable. 如果该群体无法回到游戏框架中，却拒绝在SH框架内解释其行为，就会陷入意义建构的循环，试图为之前的SSB（社会系统行为）找到一个可行且能确认身份的意义。在这个社会空间中，参与者可能会经历承诺心态的升级（Staw，1981），并被激励去维护游戏框架中的行动。这就形成了竞争动态以及合作的丧失（Tjosvold，1986），一方是否认游戏框架的框架破坏者，另一方是维护该意义的其他参与者。通过组织性的意义赋予干预（培训或调解），该群体有可能被说服，同意将SH作为合适的框架。然而，考虑到所有参与者的立场冲突和高风险（例如身份威胁、问责制），冲突以及无法就工作SSB的新意义达成一致的可能性似乎很大。

Proposition 6c. If a play frame around work SSB cannot be reset following a break, agreement on a new frame is difficult to achieve, leading to extended sensemaking, the development of competitive dynamics, and the loss of cooperation within the group. 命题6c。如果工作SSB周围的播放框架在中断后无法重置，那么就难以达成新的框架共识，这会导致意义建构过程延长、竞争动态发展以及团队内合作的丧失。

Setting a sexual harassment frame. The dysfunctional dynamics of a group trapped in sensemaking will (eventually) trigger awareness by the employer; for example, the lack of social coordination may create a group performance problem that garners management attention, or the frame-breaker may seek help from a manager. This presents an opportunity for the organization to help the group set a new frame. As the organization begins its own sensemaking about the meaning of the group’s SSB, we expect SH to be a likely new frame because there is a predictable collision between features of the play frame and SH legal theory and related policy. 设置性骚扰框架。陷入意义建构困境的群体的功能失调性动态（最终）会引发雇主的关注；例如，缺乏社会协调可能导致群体绩效问题，从而引起管理层的注意，或者框架破坏者可能会向经理寻求帮助。这为组织提供了帮助该群体建立新框架的机会。随着组织开始对该群体SSB的意义进行自身的意义建构，我们预计“性骚扰”（SH）将成为一个可能的新框架，因为“游戏框架”（play frame）的特征与SH法律理论及相关政策之间存在可预测的冲突。

Specifically, framing theory shows that powermatching and role-switching encourage participants to view actions as playful (Proposition 2a). However, in work settings, high-powered participants are not actually able to lower their power or to obscure it through role-switching, even in the play space, because power is a fundamental feature of the organization’s structure and the individual’s work role (Simon, 1947). SH law recognizes this in that employers have automatic liability for supervisor conduct (EEOC, n.d.). The play frame, therefore, is precarious in work settings because features that define play cannot truly be depicted as “not real” when enacted in the context of work. When the play frame breaks, activities like power-matching and role-switching by high-powered members of the organization are no longer play signals but instead look like SH signals— markers that indicate SH has occurred. 具体而言，框架理论表明，权力匹配和角色转换会促使参与者将行为视为游戏（命题2a）。然而，在工作环境中，高权力参与者实际上无法通过角色转换降低自己的权力或掩盖它，即使在游戏空间中也是如此，因为权力是组织结构和个人工作角色的基本特征（西蒙，1947）。性骚扰（SH）法律认识到这一点，雇主对主管的行为负有自动责任（平等就业机会委员会，无日期）。因此，在工作环境中，游戏框架是不稳定的，因为在工作情境中实施时，定义游戏的特征无法真正被描述为“不真实”。当游戏框架破裂时，组织中高权力成员的权力匹配和角色转换等活动不再是游戏信号，而是看起来像性骚扰信号——表明性骚扰已经发生的标志。

Other play signals (nonlinear, repetitive, or exaggerated conduct mixed with other routines) also set the path for a collision with SH legal theory, which disallows conduct that interferes with work, that is severe or pervasive, or that a reasonable person would find offensive (EEOC, n.d.). SSB that is intermixed with work routines aligns with the description of conduct that interferes with work SSB conduct that is repetitive and nonlinear speaks to the SH legal principle of offensive conduct being pervasive, and exaggerated conduct outside of the play frame may be viewed as severe or as something a reasonable person would find intimidating or offensive, because of its extreme nature. Similarly, fabrication in setting or sustaining the frame may run afoul of SH legal requirements because it signals deceitful intentions and a target’s lack of knowledgeable consent in the SSB. Further, when frame-breakers are enticed back with bracketing like “Don’t ruin the fun!” this may subsequently be viewed as coercion. 其他游戏信号（非线性、重复性或夸张行为与其他常规行为混合）也会为与SH法律理论的冲突铺平道路，该理论禁止干扰工作、严重或普遍存在、或合理人会认为冒犯性的行为（平等就业机会委员会，无日期）。与工作常规混合的SSB符合干扰工作的行为描述；重复性和非线性的SSB行为体现了冒犯性行为具有普遍性的SH法律原则；超出游戏框架的夸张行为因其极端性质，可能被视为严重行为，或合理人会认为具有威胁性或冒犯性。同样，在设定或维持框架时的编造可能违反SH法律要求，因为它表明了欺骗意图以及目标在SSB中缺乏知情同意。此外，当用“别破坏乐趣！”这类框定话术引诱打破框架者回归时，这随后可能被视为胁迫。

It appears, then, that the same signals facilitating the setting and sustaining of the play frame can easily be read as SH signals once the play frame breaks. This demonstrates the danger of playful work SSB. Once the play frame is broken and the conduct is considered through a different lens, an SH interpretation becomes compelling. This transformation of meaning has been described in the #MeToo Movement as the “Click Moment” (Bennett, 2017)—the moment when all previous conduct and all future similar conduct will be interpreted in a new way. 因此，似乎那些同样有助于建立和维持游戏框架的信号，一旦游戏框架破裂，就很容易被解读为SH信号。这凸显了“玩闹式工作”（playful work）的SSB（可能是特定术语缩写，保持原样）的危险性。一旦游戏框架被打破，且行为被置于不同的视角下审视，SH解读就会变得极具说服力。这种意义的转变在#MeToo运动中被描述为“点击时刻”（Click Moment）（Bennett, 2017）——即所有过往行为以及未来类似行为都将被以全新方式解读的那一刻。

Proposition 7a. Play signals that set and sustained the play frame containing work SSB can subsequently be interpreted by the organization as SH signals, allowing work SSB to be reframed as SH. 命题7a。设置并维持包含工作SSB的播放框架的播放信号随后可被该组织解读为SH信号，从而允许将工作SSB重新框架化为SH。

The employer’s culture will also influence the likelihood of an SH frame being set. An organization’s tolerance for SH (OTSH) reflects the degree to which a firm’s structure lacks policies, procedures, and routines to effectively identify, investigate, manage, prevent, and prohibit SH (Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Hulin et al., 1996; Williams et al., 1999). As introduced earlier, MCC is a broad concept that reflects the degree to which masculinity contests define an organization’s culture (Berdahl et al., 2018). Research has demonstrated that high-MCC organizations contain higher levels of sexual and gender harassment, suggesting that high OTSH develops in masculine cultures (Glick et al., 2018). If an employer has a high OTSH, managers who engage in sensemaking about the group’s “playful” SSB may not view it as problematic, and may facilitate the group in reembracing the play frame by, for example, reassigning or firing the frame-breaker. Alternatively, SH is a likely reinterpretation frame when there is low OTSH because the organization is attuned to SH law and best practices (Goldberg et al., 2018; Mannie, 2019; Roehling & Huang, 2018; Williams et al., 1999). In these cultures, the collision course we described between play signals and SH signals are most likely to be recognized and embraced, encouraging the employer to reframe the group’s previous SSB conduct as real, serious, and sexually harassing. 雇主的文化也会影响设置SH框架的可能性。一个组织对SH的容忍度（OTSH）反映了公司的结构缺乏有效识别、调查、管理、预防和禁止SH的政策、程序和常规的程度（Fitzgerald等人，1997；Hulin等人，1996；Williams等人，1999）。如前所述，MCC是一个广泛的概念，反映了男性气概竞赛定义组织文化的程度（Berdahl等人，2018）。研究表明，高MCC组织中存在更高水平的性骚扰和性别骚扰，这表明高OTSH会在男性化文化中形成（Glick等人，2018）。如果雇主具有高OTSH，参与对群体“嬉戏性”SSB进行意义建构的管理者可能不会将其视为问题，并且可能通过例如重新分配或解雇框架破坏者来促进群体重新接受游戏框架。或者，当OTSH较低时，SH可能是一种可能的重新解释框架，因为组织会关注SH法律和最佳实践（Goldberg等人，2018；Mannie，2019；Roehling & Huang，2018；Williams等人，1999）。在这些文化中，我们描述的游戏信号和SH信号之间的冲突路径最有可能被识别和接受，从而促使雇主将群体先前的SSB行为重新界定为真实、严重且具有性骚扰性质。

Proposition 7b. After a play-frame break, organizations with low (versus high) OTSH are more likely to reset an SH frame around work SSB. 命题7b。在换场休息后，OTSH较低（而非较高）的组织更有可能围绕工作SSB重置SH框架。

Dynamics in the SH Frame

SH 框架中的动力学

When an employer adopts an SH frame, this is an organizational sensegiving effort—an attempt to guide meaning construction in a way that conforms to the organization’s standards and restores social coordination and order (Gioia & Chittipeddi, 1991; Pratt, 2001). The employer “sets” the SH frame by taking actions that indicate the group’s conduct was SH, such as creating or clarifying an SH policy, taking disciplinary action against the group, conducting SH training, or protecting the frame-breaker from negative consequences. Essentially, these actions are bracketing signals wherein the organization communicates the boundaries about which conduct is included in the SH frame. We expect, however, that sustaining an organizationally set SH frame following a play-frame break will be challenging for two reasons. 当雇主采用SH框架时，这是一种组织性的意义赋予行为——试图以符合组织标准的方式引导意义建构，并恢复社会协调与秩序（Gioia & Chittipeddi，1991；Pratt，2001）。雇主通过采取表明群体行为属于SH的行动来“设定”SH框架，例如制定或明确SH政策、对群体采取纪律处分、开展SH培训，或保护框架突破者免受负面后果影响。本质上，这些行动是“括号信号”，组织通过它们传达哪些行为被纳入SH框架的边界。然而，我们预计，在框架突破（play-frame break）之后维持组织设定的SH框架将面临挑战，原因有二。

First, an employer-set frame runs contrary to framing theory, which indicates that groups collectively negotiate for the meaning of their own activity (Dewulf et al., 2009; Goffman, 1974). Yet, organizational sensemaking is more powerful than individual sensemaking (Daft & Weick, 1984), so employees must comply with role expectations that come from the employer-set SH frame, even if they disagree. This will create compliance responses by employees but also can generate resentment. For example, role expectations like mandatory SH training often result in negative feelings about the employer, SH policy, out-group members (e.g., women), or the issue of SH itself (Rawski, 2017; Tinkler, 2012; Walsh et al., 2013). A related challenge is that the organization is trying to give meaning to a forbidden interaction. To do this, it must demonstrate SH conduct in a simulated space (e.g., in training), creating a lamination of reality (i.e., an up-keyed model of activity that is not actually occurring [Goffman, 1974]). This makes it difficult to create clear roles and engrossment in the SH frame, which is necessary for interactions within this new frame to stabilize. 首先，雇主设定的框架与框架理论相悖，框架理论表明群体通过集体协商来确定自身活动的意义（Dewulf等人，2009；Goffman，1974）。然而，组织意义建构比个体意义建构更具影响力（Daft & Weick，1984），因此员工必须遵守来自雇主设定的安全健康（SH）框架的角色期望，即便他们对此存在异议。这会使员工产生顺从反应，但也可能引发不满。例如，诸如强制性安全健康培训之类的角色期望往往会导致员工对雇主、安全健康政策、外群体成员（如女性）或安全健康本身的问题产生负面情绪（Rawski，2017；Tinkler，2012；Walsh等人，2013）。另一个相关挑战是，组织试图为一种被禁止的互动赋予意义。为实现这一点，它必须在模拟空间（例如培训中）展示安全健康行为，从而形成一种现实的“分层”（即一种经过强化的活动模型，而这种活动实际上并未发生[Goffman，1974]）。这使得在安全健康框架中明确角色和投入度变得困难，而明确的角色和投入度对于该新框架内的互动稳定至关重要。

Second, sustaining an SH frame is challenging because of the roles that exist within this frame. The most prominent roles are perpetrator and victim, and neither is identity-affirming for most employees (Rawski, 2017). Participants who chafe at the identity threat may engage in identity protection responses (Petriglieri, 2011), such as derogation of the threat source (e.g., discrediting the complainant, the employer, or the training), or concealment (pretending to accept the assigned role identity)—actions that are synonymous with fabrication. Given these dynamics, when an employer resets a broken play frame by labeling the conduct as harassing in an SH frame, the new frame is sustained by the unstable forces of lamination, compliance, and fabrication, and it may be accompanied by negative feelings about prescribed role requirements. 其次，维持一个SH框架具有挑战性，因为该框架内存在特定角色。最突出的角色是施暴者和受害者，而对大多数员工而言，这两种角色都无法确认其身份（Rawski, 2017）。那些因身份受到威胁而感到不满的参与者可能会采取身份保护措施（Petriglieri, 2011），例如贬低威胁来源（例如，质疑投诉人、雇主或培训项目），或隐瞒（假装接受被分配的角色身份）——这些行为与编造行为同义。鉴于这些动态，如果雇主通过在SH框架中将行为定性为骚扰来重置破裂的游戏框架，新框架将由叠加、顺从和编造这三种不稳定力量维持，并且可能伴随对规定角色要求的负面情绪。

Taken together, these dynamics mean that the organization-set SH frame is difficult to stabilize; this is because the participants have not cocreated their roles, making engrossment in their roles challenging. Yet, interactions within this frame are not vulnerable (as in the middle cycle in Figure 1) because social coordination has not broken down; participants must enact their employer-mandated prescribed roles. Therefore, we describe the SH frame as being characterized by interactional fragility. Participants will meet role expectations because they must, but they may cycle repeatedly through sensemaking, individually or collectively, trying to find an acceptable meaning for work SSB that can genuinely be embraced. 综合来看，这些动态意味着组织设定的SH框架难以稳定；这是因为参与者尚未共同创造他们的角色，导致全身心投入角色变得具有挑战性。然而，该框架内的互动并不脆弱（如图1中的中间周期所示），因为社会协调并未崩溃；参与者必须履行其雇主规定的角色。因此，我们将SH框架描述为具有互动脆弱性的特征。参与者会满足角色期望，因为他们必须这样做，但他们可能会通过意义建构（无论是个人还是集体）反复循环，试图为工作SSB找到一个真正能够被接受的意义。

DISCUSSION

讨论

The model presented here provides theoretical insight into several puzzling aspects of SH that have not been well-addressed in previous research. First, research has shown that people can hold quite different beliefs about which conduct defines SH (e.g., perceptional differences based on sex [Blumenthal, 1998; Rotundo et al., 2001]), yet there is limited understanding about the source of these differences. From an interactional framing perspective, the meaning of conduct is determined within the social interaction itself; so, when varying perceptions exist, a key reason is that individuals have different interactional experiences within different social groups. For example, differential beliefs between men and women about which conduct is harassing is not surprising given gender-based societal hierarchies that determine what each will experience at work (Connell, 1987; Eagly, 1987). For example, “winning” experiences in MCCs—which are more common for men than women—will lead men to view conduct that devalues women as normative and conducive to organizational rewards (Berdahl et al., 2018). 本文呈现的模型为性骚扰（SH）的几个令人生疑的方面提供了理论见解，而这些方面在以往研究中并未得到充分探讨。首先，研究表明，人们对于何种行为界定性骚扰可能持有截然不同的看法（例如，基于性别的认知差异[Blumenthal, 1998; Rotundo et al., 2001]），但对于这些差异的来源却知之甚少。从互动框架的视角来看，行为的意义是在社会互动自身中确定的；因此，当存在不同的认知时，一个关键原因是个体在不同的社会群体中拥有不同的互动经历。例如，男性和女性对于何种行为构成骚扰的不同看法并不令人惊讶，因为基于性别的社会等级制度决定了他们在工作中会经历什么（Connell, 1987; Eagly, 1987）。例如，男性比女性更常经历的“获胜”体验，会使男性将贬低女性的行为视为规范且有利于组织奖励的行为（Berdahl et al., 2018）。

A second puzzling aspect is how highly exaggerated conduct (like the genital beauty contest [Vaught & Smith, 1980]) ever come to exist within a work context. Interactional framing theory suggests that the more exaggerated the actions, the easier it is to create a playful meaning. Ironically, then, the very fact that actions are flagrant may add to participants’ perceptions that they are somehow “not real.” This aspect of play frames combined with individual motives for participating in such conduct—like goal interdependence within the work group—create a toxic formula that can generate extreme types of SSB conduct in the workplace. 第二个令人困惑的方面是，像生殖器选美比赛（Vaught & Smith, 1980）这样高度夸张的行为是如何在工作环境中出现的。互动框架理论表明，行为越夸张，就越容易营造出一种嬉戏的意味。具有讽刺意味的是，行为越是公然，参与者反而可能越觉得这些行为“不真实”。这种游戏框架的特点，再加上个体参与此类行为的动机（如工作小组内的目标相互依赖），形成了一种有毒的组合，可能在工作场所产生极端类型的SSB行为。

Third, the theoretical framework presented here highlights a useful distinction not evident in previous SH research—the difference between a participant and a fabricator. One pushback on the #MeToo movement is that there has been little distinction made between perpetrators based on the seriousness of their actions (Caron, 2017). This argument has merit from an interactional framing perspective. Some perpetrators are fabricators who dupe others into interactional frames that camouflage the fabricator’s true intentions. Alternatively, some individuals are participants, members of the interaction group who enacted conduct that the group once accepted as playful. As argued earlier, gendered organizational cultures may “entrap” employees as participants, making it difficult for them to immediately recognize the toxicity of the work group’s interactions. This is not meant to excuse participants; rather, it is a recognition that the degree of negative intent and conscious awareness of harm may differ significantly across fabricators and participants. Perhaps, a good determinant of who is a fabricator and who is a participant can be found in individual reactions to frame-breaking (anger versus confusion or regret). 第三，本文提出的理论框架强调了一个在以往#MeToo研究中不明显的有用区分——参与者与造假者之间的差异。对#MeToo运动的一种反对意见是，人们对施暴者的区分很少考虑其行为的严重程度（Caron, 2017）。从互动框架的角度来看，这种观点有其合理性。有些施暴者是造假者，他们欺骗他人进入互动框架，掩盖自己的真实意图。或者，有些人是参与者，即互动群体的成员，其行为曾被该群体视为玩笑。如前所述，性别化的组织文化可能会“困住”员工，使他们成为参与者，从而难以立即意识到工作群体互动中的毒性。这并非为参与者开脱；相反，这是认识到造假者和参与者在负面意图的程度以及对伤害的有意识认知方面可能存在显著差异。也许，区分谁是造假者、谁是参与者的一个很好的标准，可以从个人对打破框架的反应中找到（愤怒与困惑或后悔）。

Fourth, the framework presented here provides insight into the evolution of hostile work environments. Research to date (Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Hulin et al., 1996; Wasti, Bergman, Glomb, & Drasgow, 2000; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007) has recognized that OTSH influences the likelihood of SH, but there is less understanding of how these toxic environments develop. It may be that environments tolerant of SH are characterized by pathological individuals or policies; however, an additional explanation is that play-frame dynamics (limit-tests, expansion) and interactional dynamics (reciprocal roles, engrossment, goal interconnectedness and interdependence) encourage acceptance of increasingly severe forms of work SSB. These dynamics may be further encouraged by an escalation-of-commitment effect (Staw, 1981), in which participants, individually and collectively, continue to contain SSB within the play frame even as doubts emerge about the frame’s veracity. From this perspective, toxic environments may sometimes evolve from initially playful actions whose gradual degeneration is not immediately evident to participants, but that is obvious when viewed retrospectively. 第四，本文提出的框架有助于深入理解敌对工作环境的演变。迄今为止的研究（Fitzgerald等人，1997；Hulin等人，1996；Wasti、Bergman、Glomb和Drasgow，2000；Willness、Steel和Lee，2007）已认识到OTS H会影响性骚扰（SH）发生的可能性，但对于这些有毒环境是如何形成的，人们的理解还不够深入。可能的情况是，容忍性骚扰的环境具有病态个体或政策特征；然而，另一种解释是，游戏框架动态（极限测试、扩张）和互动动态（互惠角色、全神贯注、目标互联与相互依赖）促使人们接受日益严重的工作骚扰行为。Staw（1981）提出的承诺升级效应可能会进一步助长这些动态，在这种效应中，参与者（无论是个人还是集体）即使对游戏框架的真实性产生怀疑，仍会继续在游戏框架内控制骚扰行为。从这个角度来看，有毒环境有时可能从最初的游戏性行为演变而来，其逐步恶化对参与者而言并不明显，但在事后回顾时则显而易见。

Related to this, the framework presented here also explains why targets of SH do not immediately name their experience and report it. Research has shown that “blaming the victim” in SH situations is a common occurrence (Marin & Guadagno, 1999; North, 2019); however, the difficulty of immediately recognizing SH is clear when viewed through an interactional framing lens. Targets of SSB may themselves be part of an interaction group that has developed a playful meaning around SSB; as the play frame expands, social forces that sustain the frame affect all participants, including the target. Even a target who begins to question what is happening may enact the scripted, playful role while the SSB is occurring, given the challenges of fulfilling role expectations while simultaneously questioning the meaning of the in-process interaction (Goffman, 1974; Weick, 1993). In addition, the target may be willing to fabricate agreement with the play frame if it is perceived as avoiding harm or bringing positive benefit to work goals. 与此相关的是，本文呈现的框架还解释了为何施害者（SH）的目标不会立即将自身经历命名并报告。研究表明，在施害情境中“指责受害者”是一种常见现象（Marin & Guadagno, 1999；North, 2019）；然而，从互动框架视角来看，施害行为（SH）的目标难以立即识别这一点是显而易见的。社会支持行为（SSB）的目标自身也可能属于一个围绕SSB形成了“玩笑式意义”的互动群体；随着玩笑框架的扩大，维系该框架的社会力量会影响所有参与者，包括目标。即便目标开始质疑正在发生的事情，在施害行为（SSB）发生期间，他们仍可能扮演预设的、玩笑式的角色——这是因为在履行角色期望的同时质疑正在进行的互动的意义面临诸多挑战（Goffman, 1974；Weick, 1993）。此外，如果目标认为该玩笑框架能避免伤害或为工作目标带来积极益处，他们可能愿意虚构对该框架的认同。

Future Research

未来研究

A first avenue for future research is to test predictions made in the model. A good beginning would be to examine, in laboratory studies, whether the play signals predicted here lead employees to interpret SSB as playful, and to assess how these signals operate together. Some play signals (e.g., bracketing) may be powerful alone, while other signals (e.g., exaggerated conduct, role-switching) may operate in a more additive fashion, gaining power as they occur together. It would also be interesting to test the prediction that MCCs make work teams more likely to pursue and accept SSB play frames. Given the prominence of these cultures (Glick et al., 2018; Rawski & Workman-Stark, 2018), field studies of this issue are feasible. Finally, it would be interesting to test how individual goal perceptions propel or inhibit interactional dynamics; such studies could proceed as either lab or field research. 未来研究的第一个方向是检验模型中提出的预测。一个良好的开端是在实验室研究中考察此处预测的游戏信号是否会让员工将SSB解读为游戏性的，并评估这些信号是如何共同发挥作用的。一些游戏信号（例如，括号法）单独使用时可能效果显著，而其他信号（例如，夸张行为、角色转换）可能以更具叠加性的方式发挥作用，随着它们同时出现而增强效果。测试MCCs（可能是指某种特定的文化或概念）使工作团队更有可能追求和接受SSB游戏框架这一预测也会很有趣。鉴于这些文化的重要性（Glick等人，2018；Rawski & Workman-Stark，2018），对这一问题进行实地研究是可行的。最后，测试个体目标感知如何推动或抑制互动动态也会很有趣；这类研究可以作为实验室或实地研究进行。

Research has shown that SSB can have positive consequences at work (Aquino et al., 2014; Berdahl & Aquino, 2009), yet our model suggests that encouragement of any SSB is a slippery slope, because initially playful conduct can be expanded to include more serious and negative conduct. This raises the question of where the positive consequences of SSB come from. Is SSB beneficial to employees because it is sexual or because it is playful? Further research that examines these differences would be instructive in determining how to gain the benefits attributed to SSB without escalating toward SH. 研究表明，职场性不端行为（SSB）可能会产生积极影响（Aquino等人，2014；Berdahl & Aquino，2009），但我们的模型认为，鼓励任何形式的SSB都如同走钢丝，因为最初的玩笑行为可能会演变为更严肃且负面的行为。这就引出了一个问题：SSB的积极影响究竟源于何处？是因为其具有性暗示，还是因为其具有玩笑性质？进一步研究这些差异，对于在不升级为职场骚扰（SH）的前提下获取SSB带来的益处，将具有指导意义。

We argued that there is an important difference between a fabricator and a participant, but we currently know little about fabricators. Are there behaviors that would distinguish between these two types of actors? Are fabricators more likely to enact play signals? Are they more likely to initiate limit-testing that leads play frames to expand? It would also be interesting to see how fabricators might behave differently than participants after a frame has broken: Are these actors more likely to “dig in” and try to reestablish the previous SSB play frame? Do they display different emotions (anger instead of regret)? These are sensitive issues to investigate and likely would require qualitative research to uncover their complexity. 我们认为，编造者（fabricator）与参与者（participant）之间存在重要区别，但目前我们对编造者知之甚少。是否存在某些行为可以区分这两类行动者？编造者是否更有可能发出游戏信号（play signals）？他们是否更有可能发起试探边界的行为，从而导致游戏框架（play frames）扩大？此外，当游戏框架破裂后，编造者的行为是否会与参与者不同，这也值得研究：这些行动者是否更有可能“固执己见”，试图重建之前的SSB游戏框架？他们是否会表现出不同的情绪（例如愤怒而非后悔）？这些都是需要深入研究的敏感问题，可能需要定性研究来揭示其复杂性。

It would also be interesting to examine the dynamics involved in an SSB play-frame break. We argued that a frame break can trap a group in sensemaking and dysfunctional dynamics. Could organizational interventions instead prompt acceptance, forgiveness, and healing? Indeed, following the #MeToo movement, there is increasing discussion of whether perpetrators can reenter public life (Giorgis, 2018; Rosenberg, 2019) and what their redemption path should look like. How might work teams be healed following broken frames? Research on social accounts and rebuilding of trust (Pratt & Dirks, 2007; Sitkin & Bies, 1993) would be informative. Research on trustrebuilding following psychological contract breach has suggested that denial is the least effective, and “pure” apology (not accompanied by justification) is the most effective strategy for rebuilding trust (Henderson, Welsh, & O’Leary-Kelly, 2020). Research that examines the cognitive and emotional journey of frame-breakers is also encouraged. The recognition that one’s original interpretation of workgroup SSB was untenable will cause significant cognitive and emotional disruption. How do frame-breakers make sense of the new, more negatively framed SSB, and how does their individual sensemaking interact with the work group’s sensemaking? What emotions follow the adoption of this new SSB frame—anger, guilt, regret? And what coping mechanisms, enacted by the individual or the organization, might facilitate the healing and recovery of frame-breakers? 研究SSB（可能指特定情境或概念）框架破裂过程中涉及的动态机制也会很有意思。我们认为，框架破裂可能会使一个群体陷入意义建构和功能失调的动态循环中。那么，组织干预是否反而能促使人们接受、原谅并实现疗愈呢？事实上，在#MeToo运动之后，关于施暴者是否能够重新进入公共生活（Giorgis, 2018；Rosenberg, 2019）以及他们的救赎路径应该是什么样的讨论越来越多。工作团队在框架破裂后该如何实现疗愈？关于社会账户和信任重建的研究（Pratt & Dirks, 2007；Sitkin & Bies, 1993）会很有启发性。针对心理契约破裂后的信任重建研究表明，否认是效果最差的策略，而“纯粹”的道歉（不附带辩解）是重建信任最有效的策略（Henderson, Welsh, & O’Leary-Kelly, 2020）。同时，鼓励开展关于框架破坏者认知和情感历程的研究。意识到自己最初对工作群体SSB的解读站不住脚，会导致显著的认知和情感混乱。框架破坏者如何理解这种新的、更负面的SSB框架？他们个人的意义建构过程如何与工作群体的意义建构相互作用？采用这种新的SSB框架后会产生哪些情绪——愤怒、内疚、悔恨？个人或组织采取的哪些应对机制可能有助于框架破坏者的疗愈和恢复？

Implications for Practice

对实践的启示

The interactional model also provides insights for practice. Responsible employers conduct legal compliance-oriented SH training to clarify boundaries of the SH frame; however, when employees are not involved in frame-setting they may comply with role expectations but are not likely to embrace the frame. Our model demonstrates that training must also have a sensemaking focus. Research has indicated that SH definitions adopted by some organizations are broader than the legal definition (Roehling & Huang, 2018). This provides an opportunity for employers to engage employees in sensemaking about what those broader actions are and use this as a springboard to envision what kind of values and culture employees want (versus a focus on what actions are legally forbidden). This approach involves employees in developing the frame (e.g., How do we build a respectful culture?), which greatly increases the chance that interactional dynamics will then sustain the frame that is set. 互动模型也为实践提供了见解。负责任的雇主会开展以法律合规为导向的安全与健康（SH）培训，以明确安全与健康框架的边界；然而，当员工不参与框架设定时，他们可能会遵守角色期望，但不太可能接受该框架。我们的模型表明，培训还必须侧重于意义建构。研究表明，一些组织采用的安全与健康定义比法律定义更广泛（Roehling & Huang，2018）。这为雇主提供了一个机会，让员工参与对这些更广泛行动的意义建构，并以此为跳板，设想员工希望拥有什么样的价值观和文化（而不是关注哪些行动在法律上是被禁止的）。这种方法让员工参与框架的制定（例如，我们如何构建尊重的文化？），这大大增加了互动动态随后能够维持既定框架的可能性。

Because organizations fear litigation, SH claims are often treated as aberrations and attempts to resolve them are reactive to individual cases. A common practice is to resolve SH claims through nondisclosure agreements (Breeland, 2018), wherein the employer provides a legal settlement to an individual claimant in exchange for agreement to keep the situation confidential. From an interactional framing perspective, this approach equates to a forced fabrication, wherein the claimant is unable to publicly break the frame and the problematic interactional frame remains intact. Another option is for the employer to actively seek evidence of other potential frame-breakers and to enhance understanding of the interactional frames that have gained acceptance. Employers who do not take these types of actions are allowing evidence against them to accumulate, as toxic frames continue to be sustained through practices (such as play signals) that eventually will be interpreted as SH signals. The model demonstrates the short-term nature, and danger, of “don’t ask” approaches like nondisclosure agreements. 由于组织担心诉讼，性骚扰（SH）指控常被视为异常情况，解决此类指控的尝试往往是针对个别案件的被动反应。一种常见做法是通过保密协议解决性骚扰指控（Breeland，2018），在此协议中，雇主向个人索赔人提供法律赔偿，以换取其同意对该情况保密。从互动框架的角度来看，这种方法相当于强制编造，索赔人无法公开打破这一框架，有问题的互动框架仍保持完整。另一种选择是雇主主动寻找其他潜在框架破坏者的证据，并加深对已被接受的互动框架的理解。不采取这类行动的雇主，会让对其不利的证据不断积累，因为有毒框架会通过诸如“游戏信号”等行为持续存在，而这些行为最终会被解读为性骚扰信号。该模型展示了“不追问”做法（如保密协议）的短期性质及其危险性。

Finally, given the capacity of framing to keep participants engrossed in their activities, we encourage managers to recognize the disruptive power of bystander intervention (Bowes-Sperry & O’Leary-Kelly, 2005). Bystanders are not engrossed in current interpretations of SSB in the same way as participants, giving them the opportunity to share alternative framing and to disrupt SSB play frames. Organizations are beginning to embrace the positive role that can be played by bystanders (Schulte, 2018), and our framework confirms the wisdom of that strategy. 最后，考虑到框架化能够让参与者沉浸于自身活动的特点，我们鼓励管理者认识到旁观者干预的破坏性力量（Bowes - Sperry & O’Leary - Kelly，2005）。旁观者对SSB的当前解读的投入程度与参与者不同，这使他们有机会分享替代性框架并破坏SSB的游戏框架。组织开始接受旁观者能够发挥的积极作用（Schulte，2018），而我们的框架证实了这一策略的明智之处。

CONCLUSION

结论

An interactional framing theory of workplace SSB suggests there is an ambiguous line between playful SSB and SH. The same SSB could be understood as playful or harassing depending on how social participants negotiate its meaning in the workplace. By shifting our focus to interactional patterns and dynamics, we gain new insights for continued research on SH and we offer targeted advice to managers and employees for how to understand the scope of play in their workplaces and hopefully avoid the insidious path toward a hostile work environment. 职场社交性言语行为（SSB）的互动框架理论表明，玩笑性质的SSB与性骚扰（SH）之间存在一条模糊的界限。同一个SSB可能会被理解为玩笑或骚扰，具体取决于社交参与者在工作场所如何协商其含义。通过将我们的研究重点转向互动模式和动态，我们为持续研究SH提供了新的见解，并为管理者和员工提供了针对性建议，以帮助他们理解工作场所中“玩笑”的范围，希望能避免走向充满敌意的工作环境这一潜在的有害路径。

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Shannon L. Rawski (srawski@ivey.ca) is an assistant professor of organizational behavior in the Ivey Business School at Western University. Her research interests include sexual harassment, sexual harassment training effectiveness, and identity in organizations. 香农·L·劳斯基（srawski@ivey.ca）是韦仕敦大学毅伟商学院组织行为学助理教授。她的研究兴趣包括性骚扰、性骚扰培训效果以及组织中的身份认同。

Anne M. O’Leary-Kelly (aokelly@walton.uark.edu) is the senior associate dean and the William R. & Cacilia Howard Chair in management in the Sam M. Walton College of Business at the University of Arkansas. Her research interests include the study of identity transition and loss, aggressive work behavior (sexual harassment, effects of intimate partner violence in the workplace), and individual entitlement. 安妮·M·奥利里-凯利（aokelly@walton.uark.edu）是阿肯色大学山姆·M·沃尔顿商学院的高级副院长，同时担任威廉·R·& 卡齐莉亚·霍华德管理学教授。她的研究兴趣包括身份转变与丧失研究、攻击性工作行为（性骚扰、职场亲密伴侣暴力的影响）以及个体特权研究。

Denise Breaux-Soignet (dsoignet@walton.uark.edu) is a clinical associate professor of management and the director of the Tyson Center for Faith and Spirituality in the Workplace in the Sam M. Walton College of Business at the University of Arkansas. Denise develops and delivers innovative courses and executive education on workplace faith diversity and inclusion. Denise Breaux-Soignet（dsoignet@walton.uark.edu）是阿肯色大学山姆·M·沃尔顿商学院管理临床副教授，同时担任泰森职场信仰与灵性中心主任。Denise开发并讲授关于职场信仰多样性与包容性的创新课程和高管教育项目。

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